CONNECTIVITY FOR REMOTE SCHOOLS

In August last year I spent two weeks helping on a project delivering internet connectivity within the Bunda and Serengeti regions of Tanzania. The project, run by a Tanzanian group called ICT for Rural Development (ICT4RD), is identifying the most appropriate and sustainable technical solutions for use in delivering connectivity to rural Tanzania, so as to work out the best technical design as a model to roll out across the country.

The project is partnered with the Dar es Salaam Institute of Technology, The Tanzanian Commission for Science and Technology, and the Swedish International Development Agency.

The project initially links up schools, health centres, hospitals and council offices over 150 km into the Serengeti between Bunda, Natta and Mugumu, providing Internet connectivity and Voice over IP between these locations. The next phase of the project is to attract commercial customers, who are willing to pay for the connectivity thus making it economically sustainable.

The principle behind the technical design of the project is sharing a single satellite internet link between multiple users, therefore sharing the cost and making it more affordable. The cost of a satellite link is the most expensive operational cost in providing internet connectivity to remote areas. For example, Bunda Teaching Training College was paying around $400 a month for its satellite connection, but found this too expensive, and was going to have to shut it down or ask students to fund it out of their pockets. The ICT4RD solution now provides Internet connectivity to the college at a fraction of the cost.

telcom1
Fig 1 – Internet connection layout for the project area

Figure 1 shows a layout of the project. Continue reading

EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE – A CASE STUDY IN HANDENI

(Extracts from a paper presented at the International Conference on the Arusha Declaration)

Mwalimu Julius Nyerere characterised colonial education as emphasising values contrary to those of socialist Tanzania. He argued that colonial education was based on the assumptions of a capitalist society that encouraged the ‘individual instincts of mankind instead of cooperative instincts’.

Emphasising that traditional African values were based on group, not individual, goals he declared that colonial education was a deliberate attempt to change those values and replace traditional knowledge by the knowledge from a different society. It was elitist and was designed to meet the interests of a very small proportion of those who entered the school system. Nyerere argued that Tanzanian education should develop socialist attitudes of cooperation, equality and responsibility.

This changed role of education was to be achieved by reorganising schools, restructuring the educational system and changing the actual content of learned information.

Among the many reforms initiated was the introduction of se1f reliance activities in the school curriculum. These were designed to overcome elitism, integrate schooling with village life, engender a cooperative mode of living and enable schools to contribute to their own upkeep.

How far have reforms in the education system succeeded in achieving these objectives? Studies done in the wake of various educational reforms generally painted a rosy picture conveying the idea that, even if the ideal has not been reached, it is only a matter of time before a few adjustments in the system will bring it about.

Most commonly sited problems were said to be: misunderstanding by both students and teachers of the philosophical basis of the policy, persistence of the white collar complex and disdainful attitudes towards manual labour, poor project planning with no student involvement and so on. Most authors saw these as attitudinal or technical problems. My own research (in the early 80’s) however, reveals that the problems were structural and political and that technical changes alone would not have solved the problem. Our understanding of the school and education is incomplete unless we site education in the total functioning of the society. specially in its link with the economy. This link between what goes on in the school and what goes on in the villages is very strong.

MSWAKI UJAMAA VILLAGE
Mswaki is 22 miles west of Handeni. In 1971 it had 40 houses and 200 people. During the villagisation programme of 1974-75 scattered settlements nearby moved into the village so that by 1984 it had 318 households and a population of 1,566. In November of 1975 it had become recognised as an ‘ujamma village.’

Agriculture at Mswaki is governed primarily be the amount of rainfall. In good years there is enough food but most of the time there are food shortages. Maize is the primary food and cash crop. Communal farming activities were begun in 1972 as a condition of receiving food aid. As the food situation improved communal farming was abandoned. The second phase of communal farming began in 1980 as a result of pressure from above. The government directed that every village should have at least 100 acres of communally cultivated farm. Work on these farms was to be compulsory with 75% of the land to be put under maize and 25~ under an export crop – tobacco.

The growing of tobacco encountered a great deal of resistance. Because tobacco needs three times as much labour as maize peasants argued that the growing of tobacco would leave very little labour for maize and hence risk food Shortages. During 1983 six peasant s were sent to jail for not growing the required acreage of tobacco. One old man described how:

“Militia came to our houses at five in the morning banging on the doors and asking us to come out. I had a kettle with water with me as I was preparing for the morning prayers. One militiaman asked me where my tobacco farm was. I said I would show it to him after I had said my prayers. He kicked my kettle and asked me to march like a frog for my insolent behaviour. After this punishment I went and showed him my tobacco plot”.

Each individual was expected to cultivate a quarter acre of tobacco. In the 1982/83 season the Party Ward Secretary alleged that the village leaders were cheating in measuring the plots. Measuring had been done by pacing but village leaders were accused of using the shortest person in the village to do the pacing. For the 1983/84- season the Ward Secretary therefore used a rope of the requisite length to measure the size of the plots.

The resistance of the peasants to follow government directives was explained away by government and Party officials as backwardness, stubbornness and ‘not knowing what was good for them’.

EDUCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE
Despite the changes that have occurred within the schooling system, schools continue to reproduce peripheral capitalism in Tanzania by equipping the bulk of the citizenry with basic skills in a manner that restrains their aspirations and reminds them of their largely rural agricultural future.

In 1984 Mswaki Primary School had 377 pupils. There was a school farm and pupils in the upper classes were expected to spend two hours per week on self-reliance activities. In 1983 three and a quarter acres were cultivated partly in maize and partly in beans and tobacco. The farm was cultivated in the exact manner the peasants had always done. Pupils clearly had not learned any new agricultural skills or techniques. All decisions about the school farm were made by the teachers. In all the self- reliance activities observed teachers never participated but guided. A similar situation was observed in the classroom activities of the pupils. The teacher talks and the pupils listen. Failure to obey results in punishment. Corporal punishment is widely employed. Every teacher carries a cane and uses it often. Teachers are the only source of knowledge. The school lacks books of any kind and although it has a radio provided to listen to school broadcasts there are no batteries. The village receives no newspapers.

Nearly all teacher s have projects besides teaching. All have farms. The carpentry teacher makes and sells furniture. Another teacher buys and sells maize, often to the neglect of his teaching. During a four year period not a single pupil from the school had been selected for secondary education.

Both parents and children reject this practice under which primary education becomes a preparation ground for peasants in a peripheral dependent capitalist economy rather than education for self- reliance. This rejection is manifested in two ways. First, there is a general apathy towards sending children to school and secondly, those who finish schooling are unwilling to stay on in the village and become peasants. The main problem facing the school is absenteeism. In 1983 six parents were fined or sent to jail for not sending their children to school. If the parents cannot persuade the child to go to school the pupil is caned six times. In 1983 there were ten court cases in which children were whipped. In the following year however the attendance of Sixty pupils registered in standard five was only 19 – one third of the enrolment.

Of 64 pupils interviewed only three were interested in going to secondary school and the majority were expecting to leave the Village after completing standard seven. They expected to get unskilled jobs as factory workers, domestic workers, vendors, barmaids etc. One said:

“Life in the village is difficult. Here you are forced to do many things … grow tobacco on your farm … cultivate a quarter acre on the Village farm …. grow your own food … to do all these satisfactorily is very difficult. Even when you work hard you hardly get enough money to buy clothes”.

A teacher added that the coercive nature of the village leadership was not conducive for the participation of youth in the village activities.

We can see that both in the functioning of the village and the school there are features that are similar:

– authoritative and hierarchical decision making;
– emphasis on export crops both in the village and in the school;
– rejection by parents and pupils of their assigned roles;
– coercion to ensure compliance;
– a feeling of superiority on the part of those in authority – resistance by the peasants is explained in terms of cultural backwardness amongst the Zigua people of Handeni.

CONCLUSION
Education for self-reliance has not led to fundamental transformation of the educational system. There are several reasons:

– the dependent nature of the economy; the role of the schools becomes to produce pupils who are users of technology rather than creators of technology;

– education for self-reliance reforms were initiated from above; bureaucracy, which is itself organised in a hierarchical and top down decision-making form cannot implement reforms that were intended to democratise the school system;

– education for self-reliance does not sufficiently address the question of knowledge; we are users of technology and therefore produce pupils for that role; most of the knowledge that is taught comes from the West; most of our books come from capitalist countries thus making us retain English as a medium of instruction; can there be self-reliance in education without the country being self-reliant in the production of knowledge? meaningful self-reliance is not possible with a dependent economy;

– what kind of society are primary school pupils being educated for? is it the society of the future or the past? the policy states that students should be integrated back into the community from which they come i.e. from the society of the present and of the past which is not a socialist society; this has meant in practice preparing students for a role in a dependent peripheral capitalist economy;

We have shown that notwithstanding the almost universal support for the view that it is possible to remake society by remaking the educational system, even educational reforms that are successful in terms of their immediate goals may not fundamentally a1ter the structure of society. Schools reflect society as much as they affect it.
Suleman Sumra
Dr. SULEMAN SUMRA is a Senior Lecturer in the University of Dar es Salaam and was formerly a primary and secondary school teacher.

EDUCATIONAL CAMPAIGNS BY RADIO & STUDY GROUP

Nowhere are the principles of self-reliance better demonstrated than by the educational campaigns which have been conducted in Tanzania under the leadership of the Institute of Adult Education in Dar es Salaam. The purpose of these campaigns has gone beyond a purely didactic purpose of spreading essential knowledge on important national or social problems. First, they have aimed at promoting rational and informed discussion and so bringing about changed attitudes towards matters lying at the centre of national social policy. Secondly, by synchronising the campaigns with practical changes promoted by government, the organisers have taken advantage of the opportunity to link education with action. Thirdly, the style of the written materials used and their relevance as demonstrated by the campaigns have notably reinforced the literacy campaigns carried out under government auspices throughout the country.

One of the most surprising features of the Third World is the widespread dissemination of the transistor radio. In 1968 Dr Graham Mytton estimated that there was a radio audience in Tanzania of nearly 8 million people out of a total population of over 12 million. As an educational tool for reaching large numbers of people at very low cost per heed, therefore, radio seems to offer exceptional possibilities. The opportunity was all the more tempting because in 1969 less than 50% of children of eligible age were receiving formal primary education of any kind and Tanzania laboured under a heritage of illiteracy among the adult population which, though never accurately assessed, must have involved at least four out of every five. It was this unlettered multitude that were being invited to play an active part in the vast schemes of self-reliant economic and social improvement promoted by TANU and the government. Radio seemed to offer a most timely means of public instruction and to cut right through the formidable difficulties created by the immense cost of institutional education, the grave shortage of finance and the difficulties of physical communication in a country half the size of Europe.

Kupanga ni Kuchagua
In 1969 the Institute of Adult Education undertook its first experiment in the use of radio by promoting a limited project to explain and popularise the government’s Second Five Year Plan under the title ‘Kupanga ni Kuchagua – to plan is to choose.’ The project involved about 250 listening groups in three Regions. This was followed by a second experiment on a slightly increased scale dealing with the citizen’s responsibility as a voter in the 1970 general elections under the title ‘Uchaguzi ni Wako – the choice is yours.’

Wakati wa Furaha
The experience of these programmes enabled the Institute to undertake in 1971 the first national campaign. In this year Tanzania was to celebrate ten years of independence and it was an occasion for taking stock of the hopes, achievements and shortcomings of this period. This campaign, under the general title, ‘Wakati wa Furaha’ – ‘Time for rejoicing’, dealt with the ancient and the colonial history of Tanzania, the rise of TANU, rural development, the cooperative movement, ujamaa villages, and the relations of Tanzania with Africa and the world. This campaign differed from its predecessors, not only in its national coverage, but also in the combination of radio programmes with organised study groups based on the use of a text and a study guide. In this way the advantages of a wide coverage could be combined with the better fixing of the educational image achieved by discussion of a book with chapters organised on identical lines to the radio broadcasts. It does not take much imagination to realise the severity of the practical problems posed by this programme. Nearly 20,000 people in over 1,600 study groups participated. The first problem was that of training the group leaders. This was accomplished by a programme organised in two stages. First, a series of six three-day training seminars were helped in different parts of the country by tutors from the Institute. Those attending with District Education Officers (Adult Education), Cooperative Education Secretaries [The Cooperative Education Centre at Moshi had considerable experience of study group work and 1,200 study groups of this kind already existed under its auspices in 1971. The Centre had a system of ‘wings’ in eight different parts of the country and five instructors were attached to each wing] from the ‘wings’ and adult education tutors [As primary school teachers in increasing numbers were helping with the adult education programme, particularly in literacy teaching, adult education had been included in the training given at the College of National Education] from Colleges of National Education. Secondly, numerous local seminars were intended to last for two days, but in some cases owing to financial constraints only one day could be devoted to them. Notwithstanding many difficulties arising from communication and travel problems and delays in the delivery of the printed materials, some 1,854 leaders were trained by this indirect system.

Almost more difficult than the training of leaders was the production of texts and their distribution. Cost was the first problem. Some of the money came out of Institute funds but this was only sufficient to pay for one copy for each of about 900 groups. Fortunately, the Swedish International Development Authority and UNESCO came to the rescue with modest grants, which enabled the Institute to print 10,000 copies of the 116 page illustrated text-book – ‘Tanzania kabla na baada ya Uhuru’ and 3,000 copies of the A4 page study guide for group leaders ‘Kielekezo cha Mafunzo.’ Distribution of this quantity of materials all over the country in small parcels presented great difficulties.

The Wakati wa Furaha campaign was of added interest, because for the first time a systematic attempt was made to follow up and assess the results. This was done by the Research and Planning Department of the Institute and the information included not only basic statistics about the groups and their members (the distribution by age, sex and educational attainment, attendance record, size of groups, etc.,) but also some measure of the knowledge gained as a result of the campaign. The knowledge-gained test was based on a very small sample of 17 goups and presented difficulties in execution. Nevertheless, Dr. Bud Hall concluded that ‘we can feel safe in assuming that the increase in the score for the post-test was in fact due to something other than chance.’

Mtu ni Afya
After Wakati wa Furaha came in 1973 a still larger campaign in health education under the title ‘Mtu ni Afya’ – ‘Man is Health’. This campaign coincided with important changes that were being made in the health services, leading to an increased emphasis on social and preventive medicine and a concentration of resources on basic health services in the villages. The principle of policy being implemented was to bring at least a rudimentary health service to people in all parts of the country before further resources were devoted to costly and sophisticated medical provision in the towns.

Mtu ni Afya was an expression of this policy. By bringing about greater understanding of the causes of ill health and the measures necessary for its control and cure, it was hoped that the burden on the new basic health services would be lightened and that there would be a substantial dividend in personal well being, happiness and working efficiency. The campaign emphasised prevention and dealt with the five commonest causes of ill health, namely, malaria, bilharzia, hookworm, tuberculosis, and dysentery.

The timely character of Mtu ni Afya was increased by the growth of new villages throughout Tanzania. Already in 1973, 750,000 adults were living in ujamaa villages, where new public health problems, were arising from the close juxtaposition of family dwellings. At the same time, an integral element in the village programme since 1969 had been the installation of dispensaries in villages alongside other social services. The new facilities for curative treatment due attention to health problems and encouraged an atmosphere in which the villager’s own responsibility could profitably be discussed.

In this campaign, the enrolment target was one million adults meeting in 75,000 groups. This formidable commitment imposed complex arrangements for the training of group leaders in four stages. A two day briefing seminar at the Institute was attended by about 30 participants drawn from the Institute itself, the Cooperative Education Centre in Moshi, TANU, UWT (the women’s organisation), the Prime Minister’s Office, the National Service, the prison service and the police force. These participants then trained over 3,000 persons in 65 three-day district seminars, who in turn trained 75,000 group lenders in 2,000 two-day divisional seminars. To make sure that the message reached the final recipients in this protracted process, the Research and Planning Department of the Institute monitored the seminars at every stage on a sampling basis in the Coast and Morogoro Regions and on Mafia island. The general conclusion was that the content and quality of the message remained virtually intact to the final stage, though it was observed that the two day period was probably insufficient for the untrained and inexperienced participants of the divisional seminars.

The documentation prepared for this campaign was much more varied and extensive than on previous occasions. One million copies each of two 48 page books were prepared in large lettering and in simple Kiswahili for the newly literate and incorporated numerous illustrations. In addition, 75,000 16 page group leader’s manuals were prepared. For the seminars a 16 page booklet was prepared, giving information about group study as applied to the subject of the campaign. Various cassette tapes of sample study groups were recorded and the group leader’s manual was used as a text at all seminars. These materials helped to ensure conformity with the objects of training at all stages.

This impressive campaign was a great success, attributable not only to the organising skill of the Institute’s officers, but also to the active cooperation of the national bodies concerned. These were the Ministry of Health (Health Education Unit), the Ministry of National Education (Directorate of Adult Education), TANU (political education division) and the Prime Minister’s office (Rural Development Division).

As with the Wakati wa Furaka campaign, an evaluation programme was instituted, this time on a much more extensive scale. A good deal more attention was given to the manner in which the Groups operated, the nature and causes of difficulties encountered, the extent of individual active participation and the practical effectiveness of the discussion method. Once again knowledge-gained tests were applied and a 20% gain in ‘health awareness’ was recorded, establishing beyond all reasonable doubt that learning had occurred. An interesting result that emerged was that the gain in ujumaa villages was 25% in comparison with l7% in other groups, but the variations within this result and the small size of the sample removed any certainty that the higher political motivation of the ujamaa communities led to more effective learning.

But the effectiveness of Mtu ni Afya was to be found in the practical results rather than in the theoretical learning. From the start much emphasis was placed on the intimate connection between learning and doing, an association much emphasised in other fields of education under the banner of ‘elimu ni kazi’ (education is work) – Groups were urged to leave behind some kind of ‘health monument’ and it was hoped that groups themselves would undertake one or more corporate projects.

Information about the widespread response to this initiative came both from supervisor’s reports of 2,131 groups and from case studies carried out in four villages in each of the two Regions. Reports showed that over 1,200 actions – cutting away of vegetation near houses, destroying pools of stagnant water, etc – were carried out in the villages reported on for the purpose of malarial control. Some 20% of the groups visited reported the digging, repairing or rebuilding of pit latrines and in Dodoma district, as a result of a decision by TANU (the ‘Bihawana Resolution’) virtually every family dug a latrine, where it had previously in many places been a rarity. The evaluation report estimated that in Tanzania as a whole hundreds of thousands of latrines ‘were dug as a result of the Mtu ni Afya campaign. An awareness of the connection between pure water and good health was another positive outcome as demonstrated by the digging of wells, and the boiling and filtering of water. Some groups decided to abandon the timeless custom of drinking from a common pot in drinking parties, discouraged spitting and the passing of a cigarette from mouth to mouth as a result of their new understanding of the transmission of tuberculosis.

Mtu ni Afya was generously supported by SIDA to the tune of shs. 1,482,000 of which shs. 745,000 went on printing.

Chakula ni Uhai
Meantime, 1974 and 1975 were the years of great hardship in Tanzania on account of the failure of the rains, leading to severe famine conditions in many areas. The government reacted by importing corn from abroad and at the same time instituting a nationwide campaign for stimulating agricultural production and increasing cultivated areas (‘kilimo cha kufa na kupona’ – Cultivation for life and death.) During this time it was decided by the Institute that a third national campaign should be set on foot in support of the national effort. This campaign like the last, was intended to issue in action. It dealt with the nature and characteristics of foods, their use and preservation and the dietetic requirements of healthy living. It considered the special dietetic needs of pregnant women and children and it brought out into the open discussion the dietary problems caused by various tribal customs and taboos. Appropriately named ‘Chakula ni Uhai’ – ‘Food is life,’ this campaign was planned as a logical extension of Mtu ni Afya. As the campaign booklet says, ‘a healthy man has the strength to produce for himself much more food. Plentiful food is the foundation of good health. Moreover, if we have good health, we are able to do the heavy work entailed by producing sufficient food. Thus Chakula ni Uhai and Mtu ni Afya have one and the same aim.’

This time SIDA helped to the tune of 2.3 million. The campaign was supported by the Office of the Prime Minister, the Ministry of National Education, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Dar es Salaam, the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare, TANU and Kivukoni College and was organised by the Institute of Adult Education. As before, extensive work was done on the appraisal of results and the establishment of relevant data.

Much emphasis was placed on the practical outcome of the campaign in terms of increased efforts in food production and particularly in producing those foods needed to compensate for prevailing dietary deficiencies. The Research and Planning Department of the Institute has helped study groups to transform themselves into working groups devoted to food production based on sound dietary principles and plans to use the working periods for the purpose of ongoing instruction, thus providing an interesting realisation of the principle of ‘elimu ni kazi’. The first experiment of this kind was established early in 1976 at Chiwanda village on Mbamba Bay. A second similar experiment is to be started at Msindo Ujamaa village north of Songea with financial support from the British-Tanzania Society and with generous help from the Noel-Buxton Trust. The Msindo project will concentrate on the growing of fruit and vegetables and the rearing of poultry for the pot and for egg production.

Primary education campaign
In November 1974 the National Executive Committee of TANU, meeting at Musoma, resolved after long preparation that by November 1977 every child of eligible age in Tanzania should be given a chance to enter a primary school. Considering that the enrolment ratio in 1969 was less than 50%, this decision imposed on the country and particularly on the education authorities an immense task of organisation and a formidable financial commitment. One of the most crucial problems was the provision of enough teachers sufficiently well prepared sufficiently quickly. To meet this challenge, the Ministry of National Education devised a new procedure for the training of teachers. Primary school leavers with two or three years of successful work in the villages will be carefully selected for training. They will go at once into the schools, and there they will teach under the supervision of a team of trained and experienced itinerant teacher trainers, who will give them first-hand instruction in the art of teaching, the use of correspondence education and other matters. In addition, the trainees will periodically attend seminars at education centres in their own localities and will supplement their basic knowledge and understanding with the help of radio and correspondence courses.

The Institute of Adult Education is participating in the training programmes at two levels, by taking part in training seminars for the coordinators, of which there are expected to be about 3,400 for the whole country, and by organising and executing a radio and correspondence education programme for the trainees. Some eleven colleges of national education (the grade A colleges) will be actively involved by providing bases for the operations of supervisors and centres for short term training seminars. These colleges are already deeply involved in rewriting the primary school curriculum and in retraining serving teachers under the auspices of a programme known as MTUU (Mpango wa Tanzania/UNICEF/UNESCO).

Although this campaign differs in many respects from previous campaigns, it wholly preoccupied the relevant departments of the Institute of Adult Education and is the object of a far-reaching scheme of evaluation by the Department of Planning and Research. As before, the instruction makes use of a variety of instructional channels, including for the first time correspondence education. The channels used in this campaign are correspondence courses, radio education, face to face teaching in seminars, individual discussions with coordinators and practical class room experience. The main areas of instruction are national development, and the methods of teaching reading, writing and calculating. In the seminars, there is opportunity to sort out problems arising in the course of instruction by radio or correspondence and these sessions also serve to boost morale and provide an opportunity for the discussion of practical difficulties arising in the classroom.

As this campaign is now in mid stream, it is not yet possible to comment on its effectiveness. Something like 40,000 teachers are to be trained by this method over a period of three years, at the conclusion of which it is expected that they will be recognised as having the status of trained teachers. It is a formidable assignment, but one ideally suited to the multi-channel approach.

It is worth repeating in conclusion, however, that in this case, as in the two previous national campaigns, a cardinal aspect is the link between education and action. In the training of teachers there is of course the added stimulus of the prospect of a teaching career. But in all these cases the motivation of students has arisen largely from the instrumentality of the training given in providing no sense merely for education’s sake, but is expressly for the purpose of liberating the unfathomed resources of the people of Tanzania. Poor though Tanzania is seen to be in conventional terms, she possesses great potential and largely untapped wealth in her human resources. It is these hidden treasures that the radio study groups and campaigns are planned to uncover.

J. Roger Carter

References:
Budd L Hall ‘Wakati wa Furaha – an evaluation of a radio study group campaign’ Scandinavian Institute of African Studies research report, no 13

Mtu ni Afya: an evaluation of the 1973 mass health education campaign in Tanzania (Planning and Research Department, Institute of Adult Education, Dar es Salaam) pp. 91-94.