MISCELLANY

The Bishop of Mpapwa, the Rt. Rev. Simon Chiwanga, Chairman of the Anglican Consultative Council made history at the opening service of the Lambeth Conference at Canterbury Cathedral on July 19 when he preached the sermon. On all previous such occasions the sermon has been given by the host, the Archbishop of Canterbury. He told his 800 fellow bishops in the cathedral that the world today is in desperate need of a community of Christ-like ‘believable believers’. Speaking of conflict in many parts of the world, he said that people were hungry for Christ’s love and compassion. The church, he said, needed to turn itself inside out, from inward-looking pastoral concerns to outward-looking missionary activity. The church should reach out to the poor, the lame, the broken-hearted, and the sinner. The service was international in flavour, representing the multicultural nature of Anglicanism, which is established in 160 countries.

There should be an improvement in the state of many of the open spaces in Dar es Salaam following a decision to make the Tanzania Union for the Conservation of Nature (TUCONA) responsible for the rehabilitation, conservation and management of 13 open spaces including Mnazi Mmoja, Jangwani, Tabata, Msasani and the Village Museum.

MP’s have been complaining that a new beer, ‘The Kick’ which has 7% alcohol, instead of the more normal 5%, is too strong for users. Two bottles are said to be equivalent to six bottles of ‘Safari’ beer – the African.

Tanzanian High Commissioner in London, Dr A Shareef, who is a computer expert has congratulated ‘Tanzania Standard Newspapers’ for entering the internet and the ‘fast lane world’. He said that he now felt well informed on current issues in Tanzania and did not have to wait for the arrival of newspapers, sometimes a month late. He revealed that the High Commission’s own web site is: http://www.tanzania-online.gov.uk and invited readers of the ‘Daily News’ to visit the site.

Responding to a question in parliament, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Major Sigela Mswima, said that he would be prepared to start using horses and donkeys in the fight against crime in rural areas if they were proved to be effective.

The abandoned shipwrecks in Dar es Salaam harbour which have been an eyesore for many years are finally going to be removed. They have been used by drug dealers, for storage of food by street vendors and as living quarters for criminals – East African.

Tanzanian boxer Rashid Matumla defeated German boxer Orhan Ajavzoski in two minutes and 34 seconds of the sixth round on in Dar es Salaam on June 27 and can now claim a match for the World Boxing Union international light middleweight title.

The first ten volumes of ‘Tanzania Law Reports’ covering the period 1983 to 1992 have been launched and are available in print and on CD-rom as a result of a combined effort involving the World Bank, the Law Report Board, the University of Dar es Salaam, Juta and Co. of S. Africa and the Dar es Salaam publisher ‘Mkuki wa Nyota’.

There are 112 Tanzanians and 231 non-Tanzanians working in Tanzanian embassies abroad – answer to a question in parliament – Daily News.

Indonesian administrative attache Sugeng Sugiyono was given 48 hours to leave the country. He was accused of having in his personal effects 19 leopard skins, 12 elephant tusks, a crocodile skin, a python skin and nine objects made from ivory. This is the third time since 1989 that an Indonesian has been found in a similar act – Daily News.

Chief Justice Francis Nyalali has said that the magistrate in Kasanga who sentenced to death the dog ‘immigration’ (TA No 60) erred in law (the magistrate was still on probation) because he had the dog killed before there had been time for an appeal. There was no law in Tanzania on the naming of animals. The Tanzania Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals had earlier won an appeal and allowed the dog owner to claim for compensation. Justice Nyalali praised the media for bringing this matter to people’s attention as it concerned people’s rights.

Dar es Salaam has another new hotel of quality. The Hotel Sea Cliff is situated in a spectacular position on top of the cliff at the north eastern point of the Msasani peninsula at the end of Toure Drive, 11 kms from the city centre and 22 kms from the international airport. Beautifully finished, the hotel has 70 rooms and suites; its three conference rooms accommodate up to 100 persons. The attractive garden has a large swimming pool and there is a professionally equipped and expertly managed Fitness Centre. The ‘Dhow Restaurant’ offers international cuisine and there is an Afro-Mediterranean restaurant and bar situated on the edge of the coral cliff overlooking the Indian Ocean.

Abdallah Said Fundikira (38), the son of Tanzania’s first Minister of Justice, Chief Abdallah Said Fundikira, an airport immigration officer, has been acquitted after being accused of forging a Tanzania citizenship certificate for an alleged Shs 200,000. The magistrate said that Fundikira had no case to answer.

District Commissioners came under heavy fire from both the President and the Prime Minister at a recent seminar in Dodoma. President Mkapa accused them of taking no action in the face of humiliation and harassment being suffered by villagers at the hands of ward and village executive officers. He criticised drunkenness, the use of abusive language and promiscuity among their ranks. The following day Prime Minister Sumaye said that the presentations of development reports by DC’s, particularly on agriculture, were grossly unsatisfactory. They lacked clear targets, projections and strategies towards achieving the targets. “We can’t run the government by mere words” he said. Some of the DC’s were reported in the ‘Daily News’ to have been fumbling with their figures, excusing themselves for having no data and sneaking out of the meeting to search for data. The Prime Minister told one DC that what he was presenting was ‘porojo’ (aimless words). The DC for Bukombe said that the civil service was not dogged by its present structure but by hypocrisy, sadism and boot-licking. Leaders who were too loyal and treated their superiors as demigods prospered while competent, firm and ‘unsaying ones’ were frustrated. “Shikamoos are used as criteria to weigh up leaders” he said.

Some 11,000 house crows have been killed in Dar es Salaam during the last 12 months according to the Tanzania Wildlife Conservation Society. But they remained a great threat to people’s health. The Indian crows, which came in the latter part of the 19th century and are estimated to number 400,000, scavenge at rubbish dumps and contaminate water in wells. They are aggressive predators of local birds and domestic poultry – Daily News.

At a meeting on the proposed East African Road Network at Arusha in May, Minister for Works Mrs Anna Abdullah said that her government had increased its revenues for the Road Fund from Shs 3.75 billion in 1991 to Shs 35 billion by the middle of this year. The revenue came from fuel levy and other duties on motor vehicles, licenses, registration and transfer fees. The government would set up in this financial year a National Roads Agency (TANROADS) to undertake management and maintenance of the roads network. It would be monitored by a government/private sector board. Included in the first phase would be the Dar es Salaam-Dodoma-Isaka-Mutukula Corridor.

TANZANIAN AFFAIRS READER QUESTIONNAIRE – SUMMARY OF RESPONSES

Many thanks for the great response to the questionnaires sent out with our last issue of TA. Readers were asked to express their interest in or lack of interest in the various sections of ‘Tanzanian Affairs ‘. Well over 100 readers responded and almost all the comments were flattering. Political news came out as easily the most interesting part of the journal. 99% of readers found this section ‘very interesting’ and no one found it ‘uninteresting’. The section on ‘Readers letters’ came second – I hope we shall be receiving many more of these now that we know that 98% of our readers will read other reader’s letters! The next most popular group of subjects included economic news, book and other reviews, and ‘Tanzania in the Media’. Other subjects which came slightly lower in popularity included stories of personal experiences in Tanzania, news about Zanzibar, obituaries, ‘Business News’ and ’50 Years Ago’ (12% of readers were not at all interested in this section). There were fewer readers interested in the arts (21% said they were not interested) and music, especially modern Tanzanian music, was even less popular. 28% of readers described news about sport as ‘not of interest to me’. Perhaps if Tanzania had qualified for the World Cup finals! The percentages reflect a very high rate of interest in virtually every aspect of Tanzanian life. Many readers said that they read TA from cover to cover and passed it on to others to read.

Readers were invited to comment and many did. One suggested a clearer layout. Others wanted weather reports, more on trends in Swahili, an annual accumulative index (any volunteers to compile up to 27 of these? – I can supply a complete set of back issues); stock market reports; more on community/school links (please see the Britain-Tanzania Society’s Newsletter for these), more on the living standards of ordinary people under the ‘reforms’, and a new section on public transport. Other readers said ‘Do not drop any of the present sections’ (we agree), ‘provide more photographs’ (this may be possible but space is a problem), ‘an environment slot please, especially on Tanzania’s exceptional biology’, ‘please ask advertisers to give some idea of prices’, ‘more on literature’, ‘more articles from Tanzanians’, ‘more about small scale development projects’, ‘more on problems and events in other African countries’ (must say no to this one – there is never enough space to cover Tanzania!), ‘a little more background e.g the make-up of the National Assembly (see TA No. 53), ‘more on local government’, ‘a travel up-date section please ‘. Finally, one reader asked for a statement of purpose. This is easy. It is to keep people informed about what is happening in the country. That is all.

Some readers broadened the scope of the debate. One commented that many Tanzanians have strong opinions about expatriate ‘aid’ and how it is exploited by sections of their communities; another said that the length of TA can be off putting initially (do not fear – it will not get any longer!); another congratulated us on leaving political correctness behind and being neutral to the IMF.

Many thanks again. All comments have been noted but please remember that we have only 48 pages three times a year and an awful lot happens in Tanzania all the time! – Editor.

OBITUARIES

President Mkapa and Mwalimu Nyerere were among those who attended a mass at St Alban’s Anglican Church in Dar es Salaam on May 16 for the late Archbishop Trevor Huddleston KCMG (84), President of the Britain-Tanzania Society and former Bishop of Masasi who died on April 20. In his letter of condolences President Mkapa said that the people of Tanzania remembered Rev. Huddleston with particular fondness and gratitude for the tremendous pastoral and development work he did in southern Tanzania in the early ’60’s. A memorial service was held at Westminster Abbey on July 29.

Rev Huddleston went to Masasi in 1960 and stayed until 1968. In its obituary the ‘Times’ said that the years which followed were as happy as any in his life; he was able to establish many new facilities – a hospital and a teachers training college were two examples.

LETTERS

Your obituary of the late Edmund Capper does him less than justice. As Provost of St Albans in Dar es Salaam and subsequently as Chaplain of St Nicholas, Ilala, he steered the Anglican Church with great tact and skill through the tumultuous period of the coming of independence and the birth of Tanzania. The pressure on those in public positions at that time was intense and he was an important figure-head of the old Establishment who set an example of integrity, tolerance and good humour. He was widely respected by the members of his church – and indeed far beyond it. The Provost always spoke sound common sense and proffered good counsel to the highest in the land and to the lowest. To those of us in the expatriate community during this time of transition, he was a rock – of principle and faith, as well as a genial and wise companion.
R F Eberlie

I am sure other people who have received the last issue will have contacted you regarding the obituaries. As far as I am aware Edmund Capper joined the UMCA in 1936 as a priest in Masasi. He was appointed Archdeacon of Lindi and in 1954 Archdeacon of Dar es Salaam and Rector of St Albans and later the Provost. It was after he left Tanganyika that he finally became a bishop. Most of the report refers to Leslie Stradling who was consecrated bishop on July 25 1945 and arrived in Moshi on December 4. That delay was due to lack of a passage to East Africa because of the war. He became the first bishop of South West Tanganyika in 1952. Certainly the last anecdote – re the goat – is from Bishop Leslie and possibly the confirmation one too.
Peter Stringer UMCA 1954-63

(You and other readers who have pointed out the serious errors in the obituaries section are quite right. The obituary did the Rt. Rev Edmund Capper less than justice because his obituary became mixed up with that of the Rt. Rev Leslie Stradling who died a short while earlier. The confusion can be partially explained only by reference to the fact that both apparently died at the same age, both served several years in Masasi, both were members of the UMCA and they left Tanganyika within a year of each other. But this is no excuse. Apologies to all concerned – Editor).

In TA No. 60 it says that Mark Cotton had discovered the remains of an underground mosque believed to date back to the 6th Century AD. Did not Islam begin in the 7th Century AD? So how come we find a 6th Century mosque in Pemba?
Trevor Jagger

We spotted in the last issue a reproduction of part of Ann McFerran’s article in the Telegraph a few weeks ago. I enclose a copy of an article from the Sunday Times Magazine written by Patrick Wilson. (I like the article but sorry, no more space in this issue. Perhaps next time – Editor). ‘Health Projects Abroad’ (HPA) now offers 120 young people a year the chance to spend three months in Tanzania seeing what it is like to live and work in rural villages there.
Cath Rowlatt. HPA Volunteer Programme Manager

Another reader has written as follows: ‘You did not mention the cholera outbreak in Zanzibar in your last issue. Many people (perhaps 200) died in December 1997. My husband was one of them’ – Apologies and our sympathy on your loss – Editor.

REVIEWS

Compiled by John Budge and Michael Wise

T.L. MALIYAMKONO, Tanzania on the move. Dar es Salaam: TEMA Publishers, 1997. xiv, 177p., ISBN 9987 25013 O. No price stated.

The book attempts to evaluate the significant events of 1996, in particular President Mkapa’s performance during the year in which he assumed his responsibilities. There is, understandably, little evidence of information taken from books and published reports, and the main sources of information used are the dailies and weeklies of that period.

The result is a fairly concise catalogue of issues and events, which are assessed by topic: the consolidation of democracy; Zanzibar; the economy; public revenue; foreign aid; corruption and the drug problem; regional integration and the problem of refugees. The book also looks at the choice of cabinet (overloaded with academics), the Temeke by-election and some reasons for the victory of Augustino Mrema, and the mushrooming proliferation of broadsheet and tabloid newspapers.

The author suggests that the economy is improving. However this means little to the mass of people, who endure continuing economic hardship, unemployment and less than adequate social services. Corruption and the illegal drug trade are seen as menacing the Mkapa administration. A few measures, like the Warioba Commission on Corruption were implemented, but its recommendations were not acted upon up to the time of writing, and the President expressed his disappointment over the pace of action against corruption. This raises the interesting supposition that corruption is installed even .in government circles Some issues of national importance, such as the Zanzibar political crisis are not thoroughly analysed. Perhaps a shift from over dependence on local dailies and weeklies, to other sources would have provided a more considered analysis of the issues considered here. Problems associated with religious groups or cults, which started to be apparent prior to Mkapa, and have subsequently grown in extent, are not trivial and should have been included. The book provides snapshots of some events of 1996, and there are a few tables and photographs which help to illuminate some of the issues under consideration. The book has its use for students and others more generally interested in the politics of Tanzania, because the issues covered have not gone away. Alii A.S. Mcharazo

Kevin PATIENCE, Konigsberg: a German East African raider. 118p.
Published by the author (1997), P.O. Box 669, Bahrain, £14 (UK); £16.50 (rest of the World)

The British naval operation against the Imperial German cruiser Konigsberg was the most complex, as well as the most memorable in the long East African campaign of the 1914-1918 War. It justified the view of the German military commander, Col. von Lettow-Vorbeck, that while the outcome of the war would be decided in Europe, he could have some influence on that theatre by drawing away British and Allied forces and inflicting losses on their manpower and resources. He succeeded brilliantly in that objective, causing the British and their allies to commit, by some estimates, about a quarter of a million men in all to chasing him for over four years, without ever capturing or defeating him.

The Konigsberg’s initial victorious actions at sea, first capturing and scuttling the merchant ship City of Winchester in the Gulf of Aden, and then sinking the cruiser HMS Pegasus in Zanzibar harbour, indicated the serious threat posed to British power in the Indian Ocean. The Admiralty ordered the captain of the cruiser HMS Chatham to “seek and destroy the Konigsberg at any cost.” Kevin Patience’s book gives a detailed account of all that followed, with the central focus being on the technical rather than the human aspects. The finding and eventual sinking this one German cruiser, lying in various locations up to 15 miles up-river, surrounded by mangrove swamps, took ten months. It involved more than twenty British naval and civilian vessels, including a battleship, seven cruisers, and three armoured monitors, eleven aircraft (including seven seaplanes) in four separate phases, plus supporting land forces based on Mafia. There was also the audacious personal reconnaissance by the famous South African hunter Pieter Pretorious, who boarded the Konigsberg in disguise to find out the state of the ship’s guns and torpedoes.

The Konigsberg was finally abandoned and scuttled by the Germans in July 1915, after being smashed by heavy British naval shelling, with the assistance of intrepid aircraft spotters. But that was not the end of the ship’s contribution to the German fighting ability, and the surviving crew members were a valuable reinforcement of the German land forces. Perhaps most importantly, the Konigsberg’s ten 4 inch guns were removed from the wreck, repaired, and used in action during the next two years, until all were eventually captured in different locations.

Kevin Patience meticulously records every stage of the campaign, together with full details of the ships and aircraft engaged on each side, giving specifications of their armaments and capabilities, and description of what eventually became of them. He quotes extensively from both British and German official records of the military engagements. There are numerous photographs, many of which I guess have not been published before, and they vividly illustrate the whole story. His account is a valuable complement to the more journalistic one contained in Charles Miller’s book Battle for the Bundu. It should appeal to anyone who has ever been near the Rufiji River, apart from having an interest in wartime history or in events that helped to shape Tanzania of today.
David le Breton

Zaline M. ROY-CAMPBELL, Language crisis in Tanzania: the myth of English versus education, by Zaline M. Roy-Campbell and Martha A.S. Qorro.
Dar es Salaam: Mkuti na Nyota Publishers, 1997. 182p., ISBN 9976 973 39X, £13.95; US$25.

Distributed in the UK by African Books Collective, 27 Park End Street, Oxford OXl 1HU.

This book delivers a damning verdict on the use of English as a medium of instruction in Tanzania’s secondary schools, showing not only that pupils are failing to attain adequate levels of English, but that their entire education is seriously affected by this, leading to the “denial of education to the majority of Tanzanian students, even though they are in school” (p.72). The authors point out the anomaly of continuing to promote a language in schools that has an ever decreasing role in Tanzanian society (with 90% of secondary leavers having no use for English in their jobs once they leave school). Government policy states that the purpose of secondary education in Tanzania is to prepare students to fulfil their role within Tanzanian society, in which Kiswahili has been actively promoted. By insisting on English-medium instruction, the status of Kiswahili is downgraded and the system acts to prepare “a nation of ‘servers’ and ‘waiters’ for the outside world” (p.91) rather than citizens capable of contributing to local and national development.

An estimated 95% of secondary school students in Tanzania lack the necessary skills in English to read and communicate effectively. The reasons for this include the poor command of English on the part of many teachers, lack of motivation for learning English, and the scarcity of suitable textbooks and other reading material. Teachers compensate for these problems by teaching largely through Kiswahili, even though this goes against government policy. Exams, however, are still set in English and, not surprisingly, students who have been taught through Kiswahili fail to perform well. For example, in the 1992 National Form Two exams, the results were so poor that the pass mark had to be reduced to 14%!

The perceived solution to this crisis has been to attempt to improve levels of competence in English, notably through the English Language Teaching Support Project (EL TSP) which was funded by the British government. The main condition of funding for this project was that English was to continue as the medium of instruction. However, the evidence suggests that EL TSP has failed to improve competence in English sufficiently to make any real difference to educational standards. Rather than continue with this policy, the authors suggest switching to Kiswahili-medium instruction and teaching English as a foreign language. They argue that not only would educational standards as a whole improve, but that the standards of written Kiswahili and of English would also rise, with better targeting of resources and specialist knowledge. The authors claim that the need for Kiswahili teaching materials which their proposals would require should be viewed as an opportunity rather than a problem. They point out that most of the English books available at present are inappropriate and have to be explained to pupils in Kiswahili anyway, and that, in the long term, there will be economic benefits because low-cost Kiswahili text-books can be produced locally, whereas the ELTSP project is tied in with exclusive deals with U.K. publishers (p.123). One minor criticism would be that the authors use arguments in favour of ‘mother tongue’ education to support the use of Kiswahili, while glossing over the fact that 10% of the population do not speak Kiswahili and many of the remaining 90% do not speak it as their mother tongue.

Many of the claims made in this thoroughly readable book are not new, neither is the major piece of research into secondary school students’ reading competence in English, presented in chapters 2 to 4. However, the fact that the situation regarding language policy in secondary schools has yet to change, indicates the need for this book to be read by policy makers in Tanzania and Britain.
Alison Nicolle

TANGANYIKA rifles mutiny, .January 1964, by N.N. Luanda and others. Dar es Salaam: Tanzania Peoples Defence Forces/ Dar es Salaam University Press, 1993 (but actually published 1997). 177p., Tsh 5,000.

Most people are said to be able to remember where they were when President Kennedy died. In January 1964 army mutinies in Africa were not as commonplace as they became later and I (and many others) remember exactly where I was when the newly created Tanganyika Rifles (formerly King’s African Rifles) suddenly rose up against authority. I had placed my car in a garage for servicing in Mwanza, and gone to do some shopping. Suddenly the shops closed and people rushed home. Rumour said that troops based in Tabora were ‘marching’ (that was the word used) on Mwanza. I rushed back to collect my car, with thoughts of a quick exit towards Uganda – but then the Ugandan army also mutinied.

This book succeeds admirably in answering almost all the questions that came up at the time, and later. Was it a mutiny or a coup? Was it just a workers’ strike? Who were the real instigators? Who ruled Tanganyika during that turbulent week? Where did President Nyerere go? Who called in the British commandos, and how was the mutiny quelled so quickly? In finding answers the authors, from the Directorate of History, Research and the Museum of the Army and the University of Dar es Salaam have done some solid research and have managed to contact most of the key players. The result is a fine piece of investigative journalism, to which is added more than a touch of controversial academic analysis.

Chapter 1 gives a detailed outline of the army’s history. It is critical of the slowness in Africanisation of the officer cadre in the early 60’s, but observes that most of the manpower of the army came from tribes who lagged behind in education. It explains how the newly elected T ANU Party had treated the army with ‘benign neglect’ since independence, while attending to other priorities. Confident in the leadership of the army by Brigadier Sholto Douglas, his position must have been made uncomfortable by the country’s increasing involvement, by late 1963, in the African Liberation Movement. On January 12 1964 there had been a revolution in Zanzibar. The Dar es Salaam police force had been depleted by the need to support the new government of Zanzibar. The Tanganyika mutiny followed eight days later, that of Uganda on January 23, and in Kenya the next day. Those governments called for British help immediately and the mutinies were quickly negated, but in Tanganyika it took almost a week before a very reluctant Julius Nyerere felt that he had to call for help to his country’s fanner rulers.

In chapter 2, M.L. Baregu tries, but fails, to find any linkage between the three mutinies. In a well argued analysis, however, he comes to the controversial conclusion that, because of the tense situation in Zanzibar and the radical policy pursued by Nyerere at that time ‘Tanganyika had to be taught a lesson’, and that it was the British, through various actions they had taken beforehand, who ‘may not have instigated the mutiny but did precipitate it’.

In chapters 3 and 4, Professor Luanda describes the sequence of events from the moment shortly after midnight on January 19, when the duty officer was woken by three soldiers who ordered him to keep quiet under pain of death by strangulation, until the close of the eventful week when the British Royal Marine Band, in ceremonial uniform was playing to crowds celebrating the termination of the mutiny in the centre of Dar es Salaam.

The story is full of drama and features widely differing personalities who give their version of aspects of events. These include David Kimble, then at the University, who thought that it was a coup d’etat rather than a mutiny; the late Oscar Kambona, described by some as the ‘strong man who saved Nyerere’s government from collapse’ and by others as an ‘obstinate blunderer’; Sergeant Francis Hingo Ilogi, an ambitious young man who played a key role in planning the mutiny, and became for a very short time a Lieutenant Colonel; Captain S.M.A. Kashmir who was told he would be packed off to Bombay if he didn’t behave, and was later seriously wounded; the Brigadier, who escaped from the barracks on the night the mutiny began and took charge, with the then High Commissioner, of the British troop operation, the Yugoslav Ambassador, who rashly brandished a revolver at the mutineers and received a severe blow from a rifle butt; Mikidadi Mdoe, Director of the Tanganyika Broadcasting corporation, who flaty refused to broadcast a statement that the government had asked Britain to send in troops; and President Nyerere who refused to sign the request and got vice-president Kawawa to do it instead.

The mutineers’ objectives had been relatively limited – to get rid of their British officers and to get more pay. The ringleaders were imprisoned and most of the soldiers dismissed from the Army. The president began to create a new politicised army starting with the members of the TANU Youth League, under the control of African officers of the former Tanganyika Rifles – many of whom had been detained by the mutineers. He was successful. The new army proved to be up to the mark in the war with Uganda and has never since any serious trouble.

Where was President Nyerere for the first two days of the Mutiny ? Read the book and you will find out on page 117.

David Brewin

Articles in Journals

Malongo R.S. MLOZI, Urban agriculture: ethnicity, cattle raiSing and some environmental implications in the city of Dar es Salaam. African studies review, 40 (3) December 1997, p.1-28.

The oil crisis, political strife, economic mismanagement, drought, increased population, distorted industrialisation and the lack of job creation. These are, without doubt, some of the main reasons for the worsening of Third World economies, and in this interesting study, Malongo Mlozi blames them for “the attrition of civil servants’ efficiency, a decline in real incomes, increased balance of payment problems and low productivity”, all of which encouraged African governments, including Tanzania’s, to “involve the labour force in informal sector economic activities such as urban agriculture”. He also stresses, however, the extent to which this has led to “widespread environmental degradation.”

The practice of raising cattle among members of the 33 ethnic groups in the city is no longer the exclusive preserve of the poor. It is the second largest source of employment, after petty trade and labour, and 74 per cent of urban farmers, many of them quite wealthy, keep livestock.

The author describes quite dramatically the degrading effect on the environment. Animal dung acts as a breeding ground for harmful bacteria, flies and the mosquito, causing malaria, yellow fever, tetanus and elephantiasis, and giving great concern to a city council already struggling with the impact of poor refuse collection facilities and malfunctioning drainage systems. The resultant poor air quality causes breathing difficulties for the elderly, the very young and asthma sufferers. Add to these the risks of water pollution, especially of shallow wells, while nitrates in water are especially harmful to babies. Antibiotics used in the unsupervised treatment of cows can cause disease in humans, because of bacteria resistance, and people may drink contaminated milk because of the absence of testing procedures. Milk from these sources is sold to schools, hospitals, bars, restaurants and army barracks. “The economic propensity to get money from milk sales takes precedence over the need to heed and cater adequately for the health and safety of customers”, says the author.

Livestock in the city destroy ornamental plants, roads, lawns, water channels, telephone lines, parks, fences and traffic signs. They obstruct pedestrians and motorists alike, and sometimes cause accidents, as well adding to soil erosion and damage to buildings, contributing to “urban desertification.”

From 900 inhabitants in 1891, the city now has an estimated population of 2.2 million, with more than 18,000 cattle. Evidence suggests that the wealthier residents, able to buy cows more easily, raise them in “islands of affluence”, where they have considerable administrative, economic and economic power.

The author believes that Tanzania’s “inability to adequately remunerate the elite, bureaucrats and other workers” lies in part on its past dependence on the main export crops – coffee, cotton, tea and sisal – and its subsequent decline. They started to raise cattle to solve their money problems and were encouraged by a government faced with a poor economic outlook and “a particular culture of status and rewards among senior officials, public institutions, the ruling party and private companies” who had political clout and enjoyed privileges which could be used in furtherance of their cattle-raising.

Educational attainment also accounted for the predominance of the elite. In colonial times, for instance, the Chagga group, who raised 40 per cent of the cattle in the city, were quick to show interest in western education, primarily as a way to strengthen their own political and economic well-being. It occurs to me, however, that in the course of this admirable sturdy, Mr. Mlozi may have overlooked a very useful source of research material – the essential involvement of the women, and especially the Chaggas, renowned for their enterprise culture, and self-help for themselves and their families.
JB


TROPHY hunting as a sustainable use of Wildlife resources in southern and eastern Africa
Journal of sustainable tourism, 5 (4) 1997.

Tanzania had three National Parks at Independence; today, to its credit, there are thirteen. In June 1997 Newsweek reported that a World Bank representative said of Tanzania’s National Parks, “To my mind the tourism is the best in Africa. Nothing touches it. Nothing.”

Tourism in Tanzania, from a base of $10 million in 1987, brought in $300 million in 1996. The next year visitors increased by 59,000 to 359,000, while Kenya’s increase that year was only 11,000. Tanzania expects half a million visitors by the year 2000, who will bring in $500 million.

The International Union for the Conservation of Nature warned in October 1996 that one quarter of the world’s mammals are faced with extinction. The Journal of sustainable tourism states that “Preserving wildlife in a pristine state on a large scale is no longer feasible in view of continued human population increases, economic development”, etc. But the Serengeti Park, and others in the country might, at the present time, qualify for large scale pristine state status.

Indigenous people are an integral part of the ecosystem. In Nyaminyami, Zimbabwe, there was a typical African cattle overgrazing problem. The game had, as a result, left the area. When it was proposed the cattle should be fenced off from the spoiled, wild bush, but that the local people would benefit, they set to and built the fences themselves. In time the land recovered, the game returned, overseas hunters were admitted to the area, and fees paid to the local people, who at the same time could keep meat and skins, or sell them, as an efficient mobile processing plant followed the hunt to maximise these products quickly. Game farming the bush, for income, with wildlife numbers carefully monitored and the cattle controlled, paid off, and the people of Nyaminyami saw this as something worth preserving for themselves.

Sustainable hunting must he based on quotas, but quotas can rarely be set on sustainable levels as population estimates are known to be unreliable. But it is argued that hunting is less ecologically damaging than tourism, and that it needs fewer services, and also that it takes place in areas tourism could not easily access. Hunting revenue may amount to each hunter paying $1,000 a day, which may amount to $30,000 per person for a safari, with government charges for each animal killed rising, in the case of elephant, to $7.500.

Tourism in Tanzania looks set to boom, so long as the tourist enjoys vast wilderness with magnificent scenery, and packed with wildlife. In 1967 the Serengeti boasted 180,000 zebra, 700,000 gazelle and 340,000 wildebeeste – all attended by several hundred lion. Today the wildebeeste total 1.8 million. But what might happen if the Serengeti borders were extensively hunted?

Is it possible that so many lions might be shot just outside the Park, that the populations of zebra, gazelle and wildebeeste could rise uncontrolled into chaos and self-destruction from overgrazing? How many National Parks are bordered by hunting areas? Is there a risk that ‘fast buck’ hunting fees and inaccurate quotas may start to bite at the stuff that tourism is made of? Government officials in tourism, an industry set fair for many years to come, might be well advised to watch over their colleagues responsible for hunting whose golden goose may become caught in the crossfire of overhunting. For unless quotas are scientifically sound, ‘controlled’ hunting may become, in fact, the end of the game, and indeed, theirs.
Grahame Dangerfield


Publications Noted

Abdin CHANDE, Islam, ulamaa and community development. Austin & Winfield, 1997. 277p., ISBN 1-57292-016-5, £41.50 (paperback)
Distributed in the u.K. by Eurospan, 3 Henrietta Street, London WC2E 8LU. A study, based on a small Muslim village in Tanzania, of the conflicting impact of Islam and secular western social influences.

FOREIGN aid in Africa: learning from country experiences; edited by J. Carlsson, G. Somolekae and N. van de Walle. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1998. 224p., ISBN 91-7106-415-X, SEK200; £18.95.
The East African content is two chapters dealing with Kenya and Tanzania. That on Tanzania is entitled: Aid effectiveness in Tanzania with special reference to Danish aid.

Deepa NARA YAN, Voices of the poor: poverty and social capital in Tanzania. Washington, D.e.: World Bank, 1997. 96p., ISBN 0-8213-4061-1, price uncertain. (Environmentally and socially sustainable development studies and monographs series; no.20)

Moving Image and Performance

AFRICA close-up; produced by Joseph Towle. 1997. Videocasstte, 28 minutes. Distributed by Maryknoll World Productions, P.O. Box 308, Maryknoll, NY 10545-0308, U.SA US$16.95. (Children of the Earth series)

This two part video introduces school-age children to their counterparts in two different African settings: the inner city of Cairo, and the town of Bariadi in rural northern Tanzania.

The first part looks at the life of a 15 year old girl, Samah Ibrahim, whose father is an immigrant worker in Kuwait, and has spent seventeen years there, leaving the close-knit family to oversee the upbringing of his children in a public housing settlement.

The second 14 minute segment focuses on 15 year old Bernard Bulemela and his family in a rural settlement in Shinyanga Province. Environmental problems and the struggles of day-to-day existence in a resource-poor region are at the heart of this short study. The video illustrates the hardships that rural families face in acquiring the everyday necessities of water and firewood, and also shows what achievements are being made in environmental conservation and sustainable development.

Each section shows children coping with challenges that are far removed from those of a typical western oriented viewer. But the video doesn’t dwell on deprivations, and to its credit it highlights the strength and resourcefulness of each child and their families, while suggesting the road out of poverty that can lie before them.

The closing image of the Tanzanian section captures this spirit: Bernard’s father gathers his family around the radio each night to listen to the BBC World News, so that they will be knowledgeable about world events. Extracted from World Views Oct.-Dec.- 1997

Hukwe ZAWOSE, one of Tanzania’s leading traditional musicians enchanted a capacity audience at London’s famous Globe Theatre on June 19. Dressed in the traditional costume of his Wagogo people, he played a variety of instruments, sang and danced, accompanied by a young assistant. With deft humour and subtle variations of pace and word and without the aid of a microphone, Hukwe established an immediate rapport with his audience.

This performance was part of a WOMAD concert which included musicians from Madagascar, Nigeria and Zimbabwe. Among all these very gifted artists he shone as the evening’s star. David Somers

ZANZIBAR -GROWING CONCERN

Although the Zanzibar government has long insisted that there is no political crisis in the Isles this view is not widely shared. The ruling Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party did publish a statement in March admitting that there was an impasse but added that a solution depended on the political goodwill of the Civic United Front (CUF) opposition party. The statement also praised Zanzibar President Salmin Amour for his openness in dealing with the situation and his willingness to talk about it to the media.

MWALIMU INTERVENES
This change in tack was perhaps stimulated by Father of the Nation Mwalimu Nyerere who had caused some consternation when he said on January 23 (according to the Dar es Salaam ‘Express’) that the first step in resolving any crisis was to admit that there was a problem. It would be unwise to “fumbia macho” (close the eyes); the Zanzibar problem was not only for Zanzibaris, he said. “It is also a Tanzanian problem. The Union would bear the brunt if something went wrong there. It was time the Union government did something to avert a conflict which would have security overtones on the mainland”.

When Professor Haroub Othman of the University of Dar es Salaam (quoted in the ‘Daily News’) said at a seminar that he thought that Mwalimu would be the best mediator in what he described as the ‘crisis-laden islands’ and that he had a feeling that the CCM was not serious in wanting a solution, did not want Mwalimu to intervene and was not even very keen on him, he was soundly rebuked. CCM’s Zanzibar Publicity Secretary Ms Maudline Castico said that the Professor should apologise for making such outrageous statements on CCM’s relationship with the former President. CCM in Zanzibar had the highest respect for Mwalimu and would always treasure his role in the liberation and development of the country, she said. She reminded the Professor about the efforts made by CCM to promote and broaden democracy in the Isles and pointed out that the House Speaker had opened an office in the opposition stronghold of Pemba in an effort to bring about mutual understanding.

Probably referring to the amount of time Mwalimu Nyerere is spending as mediator in Burundi, Serengeti CCM MP Julius Semwaiko told Union parliamentarians that Tanzania should concentrate on solving problems at home rather than those in foreign countries. “We should ask our colleagues from Zanzibar what is going on there” Semwaiko said.

Gradually the press – both government and privately owned – has been taking up the issue. The government-owned ‘Daily News’ in an editorial on January 12, Zanzibar Revolution Day, the 34th anniversary of the 1964 Zanzibar Revolution, wrote: ‘We would like to make a special appeal to President Amour and the opposition to embark on dialogue immediately to solve the present political impasse in the Isles’.

But on the same day Zanzibar President Amour was quoted by the ‘Daily News’ as saying that that there was ‘a conspiracy to bring Zanzibar into turmoil, perpetrated from outside by using internal elements’ but that the solution to the political impasse in the isles would be reached by Zanzibaris themselves. In an apparent reference to a recent by-election in which support for the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) had dropped significantly, he said that the political situation in Zanzibar was excellent and seemed to improve with each passing day. People were learning more and more to live together in harmony under the multi-party system.

Dar es Salaam Archbishop Polycarp Pengo on January 12 urged churches to pray for tranquillity in Zanzibar; the political situation in the Isles was of concern to everybody, he said.

INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION
Meanwhile international concern about the situation continues. South African Vice-President Thabo Mbeki was in Zanzibar last year and the Nigerian Permanent Representative to the United Nations was in Zanzibar earlier this year, apparently trying to help. The ‘Daily News’ reported however that the Zanzibar government maintained that they had been there for ‘purely holiday purposes’. President Marti Ahtisaari of Finland is also thought to have discussed the problem during his recent visit and an EU delegation led by Britain had a meeting with Tanzanian Foreign Minister Jakaya Kikwete and raised concern about the crackdown on opposition politicians.

More significant was a second visit to Zanzibar by Commonwealth Secretary General Chief Emeka Anyaoku in January during which (according to the ‘East African’) he had 10 meetings with CCM and CUF party leaders. He proposed what he called a ‘middle course’ including a five-point plan under which the parties would be requested to desist from making confrontational public statements; CUF would be given some ministerial posts in a coalition government plus five of the 10 nominated seats in the Zanzibar House of Representatives plus two additional seats in the Union Parliament; CUF would be expected to call off its boycott of proceedings in the Zanzibar parliament; the media would be asked to give balanced coverage of political activities, and, the government should agree that all former Zanzibar political office holders would receive uniform treatment. Unlike the position after his previous visit, the Chiefs visit did not end there. On February 23 he sent his personal representative, Mr Moses Anafa, to continue the talks but a blanket of secrecy then descended and it is not known whether any positive results were achieved. CCM Publicity Secretary Ms Maudline Castico, who did not take part in the talks, said that she did not think the envoy had any new agenda to offer; any solution depended on the goodwill of CUF.

Visiting British Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Tony Lloyd was reported in the ‘Business Times’ on April 3 as having sharply differed with Tanzanian President Mkapa’s oft-stated position that he has no mandate to intervene in Zanzibar. “The Union does not govern Dar es Salaam only” Lloyd was quoted as saying “Zanzibar is part and parcel of the Union and that is why we say that (the Union Government) has a role to ensure that things are normalised.” According to a letter in the Dar es Salaam ‘Sunday Observer’ Lloyd also pointed out that it was Tanzania that was the signatory to the international conventions on human rights and should be responsible for any violations in any part of the Union including Zanzibar.

Director of the Norwegian Agency for International Development (NORAD) Jan Arne Munkeby said “Until a political solution to the problem of Zanzibar has been found, Norway will not enter into new agreements for assistance to Zanzibar.”

The reaction of Minister of State in President Mkapa’s Office Kingunge Ngombale-Mwiru was to castigate these two diplomats for talking to the press instead of following official channels. According to the ‘Daily News’ (April 2) Zanzibar CCM Publicity Secretary Maudline Castico went further. The remarks by the envoys of Britain and Norway were a gross misconception of the real situation in the Isles; they were one-sided in favouring the opposition. They had gone too far by meddling in the political affairs of Zanzibar instead of concentrating more on development issues, she said. These diplomats had remained silent when the opposition engaged in acts aimed at disturbing the peace. There was no violation of human rights in the Isles as the two envoys had implied. In a reference to the treason trial (see below) she went on ‘It is the height of absurdity to suggest that criminal prosecution is a violation of human rights since law courts are institutions established to ensure those same human rights are safeguarded’.

It is also reported that three journalists, including a BBC correspondent, were briefly detained by the Zanzibar police while trying to cover demonstrations in support of those being charged with treason.

DAY OF HARMONY
When the newly elected CUF MP for Mkunazini took his seat on February 3 there was a rare day of harmony between the parties Mr Juma Duni Haji MP pledged his allegiance to the Zanzibar government, shook hands with CCM cabinet ministers and was applauded on both sides of the House. The other CUF MP’s even attended morning prayers for the first time since November 1995 – they object to blessings for President Amour – and stayed in the House until it ended the session.

But, by the next day, the harmony was over. The 25 CUF MP’s were abruptly suspended (and lost their allowances) for 20 days for ‘their persistent failure to attend House sittings’.

THE TREASON TRIAL
The trial for treason of 17 CUF opposition political leaders, including CUF Deputy Secretary General Nassor Seif Amour and three members of the Zanzibar House of Representatives continues. They were originally arrested (in December) on charges of sedition; they allegedly plotted to overthrow the Zanzibar Government and remove President Amour; later the charge became treason. All have been refused bail and several have been held in prison for over four months. On January 6 CUF leader Seif Shariff Hamad and Secretary General Shabani Mloo were interrogated for 2 hours by Police CID from Dar es Salaam but later released.

The 17 CUF activists started a hunger strike on January 19 because of what they described as ‘the unsatisfactory handling of their case (a preliminary hearing before submission to the High Court) by the state.’ They ended their strike on January 23 after being assured by Zanzibar Attorney General Ali Mohamed Omar that their case would be handled fairly. He agreed to look into why the police had delayed producing the file on the case. The case had been adjourned from January 9 to February 3. The Magistrate said (at the Vuga regional court) that he was not competent to give a ruling on the failure of the prosecution to bring evidence against the accused.

On February 3 the court was told that the Attorney General had indicated that the evidence so far collected by the police was not enough considering the seriousness of the charges; these could attract capital punishment or life imprisonment he said. The police were given one more month to collect evidence.

When the case was resumed on March 3 the prosecutor, Police Superintendent Patrick Biatao, said that the Attorney General had ordered police to round up more suspects after going through a police file. Many of these suspects had left Zanzibar but a man-hunt had been launched. Mr Omar had warned the police that going ahead with the trial without arresting the other suspects was tantamount to fighting a losing battle.

The defence counsel requested the court to dismiss the case as the prosecution had failed to bring the needed evidence within the allotted one month without giving convincing reasons. The trial Magistrate agreed with the defence that the Attorney General should be summoned to shed light on the evidence and the case was due to come up again on March 17th. The defence asked the court not to agree to any further adjournments and the magistrate said that he needed time to study the request.

When the case resumed on March 17 it was attended by foreign diplomats from Dar es Salaam. Responding to alleged criticisms from the diplomats, Zanzibar Chief Minister Dr. Mohamed Bilal said that the treason charges were not politically motivated and that the diplomats concerned were contravening diplomatic norms in interfering in Zanzibar’s internal affairs.

LIPUMBA LOSES CASE
Former CUF candidate for the post of President of Tanzania, Professor Ibrahim Lipumba, and the Majira newspaper have lost a case in the Isles’ High Court in which they were accused of defamation. Prof. Lipumba admitted that in a speech in Pemba during the last general elections he had accused Zanzibar Electoral Commission Chairman Zubeir Juma Mzee of buying a house in Kilimani for Shs 60 million paid for from a bribe he had received for ensuring that President Amour would win the presidency. The defendants were ordered to pay Shs 30 million each to Mr Mzee for defamation. The judge said that no proof had been provided to support the allegation that Mzee had bought the said house. Speculation that he was often seen in the house was not enough evidence to prove that he had bought the house immediately after the election. President Amour announced in April that Mr Mzee had been reappointed for another five year term as chairman of the Electoral Commission.

TSETSE ERADICATED
And now some good news! Tsetse flies have been finally eradicated from Zanzibar. Under an International Atomic Agency project, tsetse were mass bred in a ‘fly factory,’ male flies being sterilised with gamma radiation and released by air to mate with females, who were therefore not able to produce offspring. Since September 1996 not a single wild fly has been captured in once heavily infested areas of Unguja – Daily News.

AND ON THE MAINLAND…

On the mainland there has been little political controversy during recent weeks. A newspaper poll has indicated the continued popularity of President Mkapa and the collapse of the only viable opposition party – the NCCR- Mageuzi (as explained in the last two issues of ‘Tanzanian Affairs’) has made his task easier. Some observers however detect an increase in internal differences within the ruling party which President Mkapa must keep under control if he is to ensure his selection as candidate for the next Presidential elections in the year 2000.

The ruling CCM party continues to profit greatly from the split in the NCCR-Mageuzi between its Chairman, Augustine Mrema, and its Secretary General Mabere Marando and their respective followers. CCM is claiming considerable success in its campaign, especially in the NCCR stronghold of Kilimanjaro Region, to bring back former members who deserted the party to join the NCCR.

Mr Marando has said that he would be willing to work with Mrema if he stopped his dictatorship. Augustine Mrema complained that, during a visit to the southern regions of the country, he had been barred from holding meetings ‘just because his party was in a political crisis’. The crisis, he said, had been caused by the government and Marando was just a government agent. Prime Minister Frederick Sumaye was quoted in the ‘Daily News’ as vigorously denying these accusations and other government sources indicated that Mrema’s rallies sometimes had to be banned because of friction between members of the strife-ridden party itself.

In the light of the collapse of the opposition, CCM had little difficulty in ensuring the election of its candidate, Raphael Mlolwa, as MP for Kahama at a by-election on March 1″ even though, in the last general election, six opposition parties obtained 30,335 votes compared with only 21,894 for the CCM. The seat could probably have been won if the opposition was united.

MORE HARMONY
CCM’s Felix Mrema earlier won from NCCR the Arusha Urban by- election. At his swearing in ceremony in Parliament members of both the CCM and the opposition cheered when, after being congratulated by the Prime Minister, Felix Mrema went on to embrace opposition leader Augustine Mrema.

A by-election was scheduled for May 3 in the Singida constituency following the death of the MP Mr Joseph Monko.

SUBSIDIES TO PARTIES
The ‘Daily News’ reports that there have been increasing complaints about the wisdom of the hard-pressed government continuing to pay subsidies to the political parties. These amount to Shs 360 million per month to the CCM, Shs 47 million to CUF, Shs 32 million to NCCR-Mageuzi and Shs 6.7 million each to CHADEMA and the UDP.

Eight opposition political parties have set up an ‘Inter-Political Parties Committee for Constitutional Reform (KAMAKA)’ under the chairmanship of Bob Makani of the small CHADEMA party to ‘recommend necessary changes in the constitution’. The Committee said that the country’s constitution still described Tanzania as following a policy of socialism and self-reliance. Other points made were that private candidates for election to parliament were still forbidden and that government appointed Regional Commissioners should not be in parliament and be MP’s at the same time.

RELIGIOUS RIOT
There was a serious riot at the Magomeni Mwembechai Mosque in Dar es Salaam on February 13. Four police posts and their communication facilities were vandalised, 35 motor vehicles were damaged and two were set on fire. Six people were injured by stones, sticks and iron bars. The Police arrested 261 people who were later taken to court. The trouble seemed to be caused by faction differences amongst Muslims at the Mosque but some Christians took advantage of the mayhem and took part in looting. Two people were killed, allegedly by the police trying to restore order. This resulted in further trouble at the Mosque on March 29 when young Muslims started throwing stones at police, burnt two vehicles and attacked a CCM office. Fifty people were arrested.

DONOR CONTRIBUTIONS AND CORRUPTION

At the Consultative Group Meeting between government and the donors held in Dar es Salaam (unusually, as such meetings are normally held in Paris) starting on December 10th donors pledged $1.0 billion to Tanzania for the year 1998. Several donors said that they would contribute to a fund to help Tanzania reduce its $8.1 billion debt, about half of which was multilateral. The entire cabinet answered questions from the delegates.

Responding to continued concerns amongst donors about corruption, President Mkapa told the 200 delegates “My war against corruption is not restricted within the covers of the Warioba Report; (outlined in earlier issues of TA) anyone else (in addition to those mentioned in the report as possible culprits) against whom sufficient evidence that can stand in court is established, will be sent to court. And that is official. Corruption will be made a high-risk low-profit endeavour” he said. Cases were difficult to prove in court and that was why he had used his powers to retire public servants in the public interest. “They are powers that I have used extensively and will continue to use.. . .We have to build a consensus with donor countries on ways to criminalise corruption in international tendering where the really big money is. Such corruption should be a criminal offence in donor countries as it is in Tanzania” he said.

The Daily News reported on December 17″ that during the last 7 years (1991 to May 1997) 522 police had been fired for corruption including 176 during the period from January to May 1997. Police Inspector General Omar Mahita said that a Criminal Intelligence Unit had been set up to coordinate swift arrest of suspects.

TANZANIA AND THE MULTILATERAL AGREEMENT ON INVESTMENT (MAI)

The twenty nine members of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) have been busy for the last seven years negotiating a proposed ‘Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI)’ which, initially at least, is designed to create a ‘level playing field’ for investment between member countries of the OECD. It is beginning to create some alarm in developing countries including Tanzania however because of some of its proposed provisions. For example, the draft Agreement states that the MA1 would not allow developing countries which wished to join:

– to discriminate in favour of their own national investors compared with foreign investors;
– to place restrictions on the entry of or the nationality of key management personnel;
– to require investors to achieve a certain percentage of local content or export a certain proportion of output unless the investor gives some advantage to the country e.g. by offering to spend money on research.

The British government favours MAI in principle but over 120 questions have been asked in the British parliament and the European parliament has voted against the MAI by 437 votes to eight. Requests for exemptions from its rules fill 1,000 pages. The US negotiator said in February that his government would not sign it and a coalition of some 600 international organisations has come together to oppose the MAI.

Christine Lawrence, after discussing the matter with the World Development Movement (25 Beehive Place, London SW9 7QR Tel: 0171 737 6215) and sending them a copy of the last issue of TA (no 59) received the following reply:

‘There can be few better examples of the type of country whose long term future under an MAI regime gives rise for concern than Tanzania. There are real risks of a neo-colonialist scenario of low wage economies largely dependent on natural resources, with no available path to broad-based development. The Business Section of ‘Tanzanian Affairs’ No 59 mentions the great interest in a ‘Minerals Sector’ conference and (a few paragraphs later) concern for the fate of vast numbers of small scale mining labourers.

There is a good example of how the MAI might affect Tanzania on page 24 (of TA 59). The opening paragraph describes current efforts to attract foreign investment and states ‘there are no limits on the number of experts allowed in under the immigration quotas in the mining and petroleum sectors’ – implying that limits do exist in other sectors. Such limits ensure that local people are employed in the investment venture; thereby increasing their skills and creating potential for future home-grown industry. The MAI would abolish the right of countries like Tanzania to exercise such policies – the multinational would have the right to employ only expatriates should it so wish.

Tanzania could avoid this type of restraint by not signing the agreement but it would run the risk of being excluded from mainstream foreign investment, which is a key element of the development process, as evidenced by the existing enthusiasm outlined in ‘Tanzanian Affairs’. We have seen from the history of the World Bank structural adjustment programmes that it is virtually impossible for the poorest countries to opt out of economic prescriptions backed by the richest countries.’

Following discussions in the Britain-Tanzania Society, Tanzania Trade Centre Director in London, Simon Mlay, has made a number of other points:

a) the ability of Tanzania to generate enough foreign earnings to service and repay her huge external debt ($8.09 million on December 31 1997) and to provide foreign exchange needed to finance the development of infrastructure, education, health and other social services is a cornerstone of a sustainable development strategy and as such the Government should be able to exercise the option of favouring foreign investments that show commitment to sourcing raw materials locally as well as promoting exports. MAI prohibits government from seeking to promote this and strengthens investors’ reluctance to refuse to consider any such requirement even when there are ‘advantages’ on offer by the Government.

b) Tanzania’s rich natural resources (minerals, timber, arable land etc) are collectively owned by the people; the Government needs to promote the interests of the people by ensuring that they become stakeholders in partnership with foreign investors as the economy is liberalised. MAI will tie the hands of Government and make foreign investors unwilling to negotiate even where their operations entail displacing indigenous people whose livelihood depends on the resources taken over by the foreign investor.

c) OECD is the leading source of investments into sub Saharan Africa. Tanzania does not have the option of staying out of the MAT nor does it have a realistic chance of negotiating meaningful exceptions when they decide to accede Given the weak regulatory and legal framework and the silence of MAI in respect of off-shore registered companies, it should be of concern that MA1 could unwittingly worsen the drain on resources through tax evasion and dubious accounting practices.

d) Any multilateral agreement on investments or trade that is not negotiated within the framework of the UN systems (e.g. UNCTAD) with the full participation of all members is unlikely to fully represent the interests of developing countries.