The President has appointed a Commission to review the country’s education system, including the extension of education, curriculum development, administrative structure, equipment and materials. The review is to cover the past 19 years and make recommendations for the next 20.

In view of the central role of education in the development of Tanzania’s social philosophy and the changes which the system has been expected to absorb, it is reasonable for this kind of wide-ranging review to be made now. However, it seems likely that a further and more immediate reason is to provide a response to the widespread and increasingly vocal criticism of the system of seven year primary education which is now provided for all children. The criticisms of education in Tanzania are very similar to those being made in the debate on education in Britain. There is the same questioning of the results of investment, the same confusion of legitimate concern and holding the education system responsible for all of society’s problems.

Tanzania’s primary education system has been ‘very rapidly expanded under the double pressure of the introduction of universal primary education and a rising population. Universal primary education (UPE) was brought forward as a result of a political decision. Those concerned with implementation were aware that it could not be done without reducing standards, but official, public acceptance of this consequence would have led to the same result by destroying morale in the teaching service and reducing public confidence in schools in advance of the expansion. UPE required great effort and dedication from large numbers of people and it was important to give them the maximum of political support. The Minister had to make a particular effort to maintain confidence of parents in the thousands of additional teachers who were trained in villages using the methods of mass adult education which has been developed by the Institute of Adult Education.

UPE was introduced during a period of continuing economic crisis which has produced shortages of even the most basic school materials, not only books, but paper and pencils (it is said that some schools have been without pencils for two years). Even without the increase in pupils the school system would not have been able to fully maintain the quality of its service.

The problems of rapid expansion and shortage of supplies could, eventually, be overcome but despite the clear and repeated statements on policy, the question of what primary schools are for has not been resolved; the intentions of ‘Education for Self Reliance’ have not been worked into a curriculum which is understood and accepted by parents and teachers.

Teachers have been required to take on a wide range of additional responsibilities for which they have no special training such as adult education and community leadership. There has. been little time for training or even thinking about what and how they should be teaching in their schools.

The proportion of primary school pupils who can obtain places in secondary schools, always low, has fallen further as primary numbers increase. The rewards of a secondary and higher education produce strong parental and social pressures for pupils to pass the entrance examination. Despite the theory the education system remains highly competitive and examination oriented and therefore biased towards children who are academically gifted and have the support of educated parents. The requirements of the Secondary entrance exam still dominate the primary curriculum so it is still divorced from the real needs of most pupils.

There is little social acceptance of the primary school leaver as being adequately educated for life in a rural community. The teaching has not helped pupils to support themselves, but neither have they learnt the traditional skills which would make them of practical assistance to their family or village. The sense of failure, rejection, wasted time and lost income remains strong. Hence one innovation the Commission is likely to be considering is the establishment of post-primary village level technical education, drawing on the experience of the District Folk Development Colleges, or even the Kenyan village Polytechnics.

As in Britain quite legitimate questioning of aspects of the education system is expanded by some into wholesale condemnation and the cause of all social problems. It is claimed that pupils completing seven years of primary school are not up to the same standard as those who went through the old primary and middle school system. This must be true of many pupils, since the old system was highly selective and only the very best were allowed to continue to the end of middle school. It is not clear if there has been any reduction in the standard of the best pupils under universal primary education – some secondary school teachers would claim that there has – and the question needs proper research.

Many of those who have successfully passed through the education system have found employment in the large state trading, production and crop marketing organisations. These organisations carry at least some responsibility for the country’s economic difficulties and are popularly believed to be incompetently, if not corruptly, managed. ‘Why’, it is asked? ‘can the school system not produce competent staff and staff with sufficient civic and political education to resist corruption and be courteous and helpful to customers?’ This may not be a fair question in view of all the pressures on young people, but it is an indication of the concern of those who pay for the education system.

by Ida Marie Andersen (Translated from an article in Hodi no. 3/80, journal of the Norge-Tanzania foreningen).

Who are the Makonde?
The Makonde belong to the Bantu tribes of Africa. For many years they lived as a compact community on a barren plateau on both sides of the Ruvuma river, which formed the boundary between Tanganyika and Mozambique. Thus, the Makonde lived in two separate countries. Survival is arduous on this plateau and the Makonde got little help from outside. The first missionaries reached the area around 1920, but contact with the outside world was scanty as access was difficult.

In the colonial period there was a demand for labour on the plantations and in the mines and men from the Makonde tribe travelled further north into Tanganyika for work. The northward migration has continued, especially during the liberation struggle in Mozambique, as conditions were unsettled in the Makonde country. The Makonde built their own villages in the areas to which they moved. They have thus been able to live under their own customary laws and maintain many of their ancient traditions, even though there have been many changes in their manner of life and beliefs as among the peoples of Africa generally.

Tribal characteristics and mythology
Makonde society is matrilineal, relationships being determined by the female line of descent. Externally the tribe is distinguished by marks tattooed in a particular pattern on the face and breast of both men and women and the front teeth are filed to a point. The women had a plug or plate in the upper lip, the larger the greater the number of offspring. These customs are, however, dying out. In the old Makonde villages the wood carver occupied an important place and wood carving was a craft handed down from father to son. Wooden figures were used in ceremonies such as weddings, initiations and magical rituals. As far as we know these figures were naturalistic and were made of whatever kind of wood came to hand. In certain ceremonies a display of dancing was customary, where the dancers would wear masks of carved wood and clothing to correspond.

According to Makonde creation mythology, a woman was the foundress of the tribe. A manlike being wandered in the wilderness. In his loneliness he carved a figure of wood and set it up against a tree. As the sun came up the figure became a living woman and at the same time the manlike being was transformed into a man. The woman bore him a child, which died there where they were by the river. She took the man to a higher place, but a second child also died. Eventually they reached the plateau and there their children survived.

It is particularly important for human beings that they are blessed with fertility, both to produce children who in turn are able to give birth to future generations, and to secure good harvests and good returns from cattle so that the tribe may survive. Woman is an important symbol of fertility in her childbearing role. Thus figures of women were later used to bring good fortune and happiness. Closely related to fertility is sexuality, which is a life-giving force and the sex organs symbolise this power.

The Makonde conception of the world about him is different from ours. Supernatural powers in nature control man’s destiny among good and evil spirits, each with its own mode of operation and characteristics. Medicine men and magicians have closer contact with the world of spirits than other men. Their task is therefore to placate the spirits and seek help for mankind. The Makonde honour their ancestors and the spirits of the dead live among them. The individual is a connecting link between past and present generations.

Modern carving among the Makonde
Many Makonde today live wholly or in part by carving. The traditional craft has been further developed and some carvers are recognised artists. The carvers have settled in particular in Makonde villages around Dar es Salaam, where they are able to sell their carving. They like to sit and work in groups beneath a large mango tree, or under a grass shelter beside the road.

The tree that is used produces a hard kind of wood with a black heart-wood surrounded by a lighter layer of sapwood. In Tanzania it is called ‘Mpingo’, or African black-wood. According to Jonn Korn, ebony is not used because the black heartwood does not grow large enough in this part of Africa. This tree has always been reserved for artistic uses and today felling is regulated by the state.

Carvings are made from an entire piece of the trunk and are therefore limited by the thickness of the trunk. Only the heartwood is used. This is so hard that insects and other vermin cannot attack it. From time to time a little of the light sapwood is incorporated. The tools used are simple – an axe, a chisel, a mallet and a knife. Only the men do the carving and the women must therefore undertake most of the work on the village land.

What do the carvings represent?
Makonde carvings can be very varied, ranging from the naturalistic to the abstract and strongly stylised. Naturalistic carvings usually portray human figures in a situation drawn from daily life. A special type are the so-called ‘ujamaa carvings’, in which a group of people, old and young, sustain and clasp each other on a carving fashioned from a single block. Such carvings express human fellowship in an historical perspective, and from time to time, ancestors and the shapes of spirits are included. Another variant is an open design in which each human figure appears to stand right out, and this form is also used with more abstract figures and having a different meaning.

In his ‘shetani’ carvings the carver portrays spirits from Makonde mythology. The normal indication that a carving represents a spirit is the presence of some non-human feature, an enormous ear, or the absence of certain members. Spirits can also have the forms of animals, birds, snakes and chameleons often appear. These carvings have no ritual function in Makonde society and are simply artistic creations. The carvers make no sketches or models before they start and just carve in accordance with their imagination, combined with an inborn feeling for the possibilities inherent in a particular piece of timber. Their creativity and capacity for abstraction does not appear to be diminished by the fact that most of the carvers are illiterate.

Parts of the body are stylised and combined in new ways and mythological symbols are woven in. We find such elements in abstract carvings with a modernistic stamp. The female breast is often carved in a form resembling a calabash – a gourd used for carrying water. This is no accident. The function of the breast is to give milk to a baby so that it may survive. In the Makonde country water is a scarce commodity and one has to go far to fetch it, but all depend on it for survival.

The Makonde carver is indeed receptive of ideas from without, but they can only bring positive results if they inspire him to creative activity on his own terms. With the exception of a carving here and there with Christian symbolism, the influence is difficult to point out directly. But, as we shall see, the purchasers can also influence the Makonde’s carving.

The Makonde carvers and the market
Compared with our own craftsmen, the Tanzanian carver is in the special position that his customers are natives of other parts of the world. He has little direct contact with his public, who make their purchases against the background of a different culture from his.

The market has opened up new possibilities for the development of Makonde art. The few carvers who thereby have acquired an artistic reputation are most often able to sell their products and at the same time to retain relatively intact their freedom to create as they wish. But at the same time we have to admit that most of the carvers are obliged to accommodate themselves to demand and in large measure to reproduce those carvings that sell best at a given time.

The chance of buying original creations is maybe greatest at art shops in the cities and by direct sale to visiting foreigners. Many carvers deliver almost wholly to purchasers in the export business; these are mostly anonymous craftsmen who more or less mass produce popular models. Only the best known carvers sign their work, but of course good unsigned original carvings are also found.

The parastatal organisation ‘Tanzania Handicraft Corporation’, which promotes handicraft products has a large turnover of Makonde carvings. But mass production is seen as essential for this purpose. The corporation is able to attract substantial foreign exchange income from its operations. At an art centre in Dar es Salaam, ‘Nyumba ya Sanaa’, students are enrolled from various tribes. Here also Makonde carvings are made. It is hard to say as yet whether this centre will make a significant contribution to the art of the carver in years to come.

Commercialisation of this peculiar Makonde craft has come to stay. Craftsmen lose their freedom by becoming dependent on purchasers who enrich themselves by exporting their products. If official cultural policies dictate that Tanzania needs foreign exchange, it is questionable how long the craftsmanship will retain its special character.

The society in which the Makonde live is continually changing. These are difficult times both for those living in Mozambique and for those in Tanzania. We can only pose the question whether there will be fertile soil for the maintenance of this special form of art. To what extent are the craftsmen who are able to renew and develop the art of carving dependent on their contacts with their own cultural tradition?

Bibliography
Berg, Erik: Makondene- kulturfolk in Ost-Afrika: article in Norkontakt, No.1 of 1981
Fouquer, Roger: The Makonde and their sculpture – Dar es Salaam, 1972
Korn, Jorn: Modern Makonde Art – Hamlyn Publishing Group, London 1974
Museet i Dar es Salaam fortaeller om Tanzania: Danish National Commission for UNESCO 1974
Poppius, Ulla: Makondeskulpturen talar Afrikas eget sprak; Folkbildnings-forbundet, 1973
Stout, J. Anthony: Modern Makonde sculpture: Nairobi, Kibo Art Gallery, 1966.
Wood sculptures of the Makonde people: ed. by Instituto de investigacao scientifica de Mocambique, Laurenco Marques, 1963

The rise and development of a language policy in German East Africa by Ann Brumfit: from Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 2 (1980) pp.219-331

Tanzania is unique in sub-Saharan Africa in having a single, widely used and accepted African national language. Though vernacular languages survive and are still used for daily verbal communication in many areas, especially by the older people, they have been widely displaced by Kiswahili among the younger generation and retain virtually no significance as vehicles of literate communication. A traveller in any part of Tanzania can now easily get by with Kiswahili. In local government offices he will hear little else and almost all official documents and communications are in this language. Parliament (Bunge) transacts its business in the national language and with the exception of most major legislation, for which English is retained for the time being, the laws are increasingly in Kiswahili. Official documents and pronouncements, such as the republican constitution, development plans and budget speeches, use the national language exclusively and provide evidence of linguistic development, for which the existing dictionaries make increasingly inadequate provision.*

The happy possession of a single official African language undoubtedly powerfully reinforces national unity in Tanzania and provides a psychological outlet for pride in nationhood. Unlike Kenya or Nigeria, where the use of European lingua franca seems inescapable, Tanzanians can employ an essentially Bantu language closely related to the local vernaculars and in this respect a more natural expression of their own identity and traditional habits of thought.

How did Tanzania come to enjoy this considerable advantage? The reasons are in part geographical and in part historical. Apart from small enclaves of nilotic and nilo-hamitic origin, the people of Tanzania are of Bantu stock. In this respect they differ fundamentally from the population of Kenya, for whom the colonial partition of Africa has secured the presence of a large nilotic minority, whose language and culture differ radically from those of the Bantu majority, and not inconsiderable populations of nilo- hamitic origin, such as the Kisii.l The nilotic Luo have been traditionally resistant to the penetration of Kiswahili, which in Kenya, notwithstanding its general inclusion as a subject in the primary school and limited use as an urban lingua franca, has remained largely a coastal vernacular.

But the reasons for the pre-eminence of Kiswahili in Tanzania are predominantly historical and the essay to which this article refers traces these origins from early times to the end of German rule. The earliest and most important influence leading to the spread of Kiswahili was the penetration of the inland areas of Tanganyika by Swahili traders from Zanzibar and the coastal strip in search of slaves and ivory.

The early overland routes emanated from Zanzibar and passed through Tanganyika from Bagamoyo in the north and Kilwa in the south, leading to the establishment of inland trading posts occupied by Swahili traders from the coast. Some of these trading centres eventually became towns such as Tabora, Ujiji and Songea. In due course people from inland tribes began to make journeys to the coast for the purposes of trade during the dry season and in pursuit of this aim acquired a working knowledge of Kiswahili. As trade gradually penetrated the rural areas and with increasing labour mobility in search of work on plantations, in commerce or on the railways, the utility of Kiswahili as a lingua franca became increasingly apparent.

The value of Kiswahili as a common language of administration early became evident to the German colonial government and during the German period increasing provision for it was made in the schools, in spite of opposition in Berlin, where German was the favoured second language and Kiswahili was distrusted on account of its Islamic associations. The Protestant missions were also initially hostile to Kiswahili both as a possible vehicle of islamic proselytism and in view of the Lutheran conviction that religion should be taught in the mother tongue. But in the end, with the gradual opening up of the country and the increasing mobility of its people, the inevitable spread of Kiswahili and its potential as a vehicle for Christian teaching were recognised.

While it cannot be said that either the German colonial government, or the missions, provided the initial impetus which caused Kiswahili to rise supreme over the other vernacular languages of mainland Tanzania and to penetrate to all corners of the country, both government and missions – including the post-war government under the Mandate – eventually did much to promote Kiswahili, both by their use of it in their respective spheres, and by teaching it in the schools under their control. In spite of the early associations with slavery, it was a utilitarian argument that eventually triumphed.

The article provides a most interesting, well-documented account of the origins and growth of Kiswahili and the influence upon its propagation exerted by the German colonial authorities and the catholic and protestant missions. In so doing, the narrative at the same time provides usefu1 insight into the conditions prevailing in the closing decades of the nineteenth century and the years leading up to the Great War. The legacy of colonial governments has by no means always, or in all respects, been an asset to the successor governments of independent Africa, but in respect of language, notwithstanding the early perverse intentions of the imperial government in Berlin, the German colonial authorities and German scholarship certainly made a valuable contribution. It has been the genius of independent Tanzania that has transformed this inheritance into a vehicle fit for the complex requirements of life in a modern society.

*Such phrases as ‘pato la taifa’ (GDP) are now in common parlance among people who talk of such things. Percent is ‘asimilia’, correlate ‘wianisha’ and evaluation technique ‘ubinu za tathmini’.

Transport.
In June, petrol and diesel rationing was introduced. Private motorists can only buy fuel on three days a week and diplomats are required to buy fuel in foreign currency.

All passenger services on the Tazara railway were suspended on 16th. April due to shortages of locomotives and allied problems. These services were due to resume in May. The problems of the railway continue. It is still not getting the payments from Zambia which it needs to cover its costs. Too much is still going by road and by other routes. Repayment of the Chinese loan for building the railway was due to begin in January 1983, but President Nyerere has secured Chinese agreement to a ten year delay in the start of repayments of the £300 million loan. Repayment over 30 years will now begin in 1993. The Tazara Board met in Dar es Salaam in May to discuss the railway’s economic and operational problems. These were identified as a lack of reliable locomotives and spare parts and difficulties in transferring funds (most revenue is collected in Zambia, but most of the track and hence of maintenance expenses are in Tanzania). It was agreed to increase the number of engines by 50% to be purchased probably from West Germany because Chinese engines had shown a high rate of breakdown.

Zambia has used part of its recent IMF loan to payoff outstanding port bills in Dar es Salaam port.

The Tanzania Railways Corporation is unable to repay foreign debts, which it inherited from the former East African Railways Corporation. Some shs.85 million are due for repayment in 1981-82.

Air Tanzania is due to make repayments of shs.160 million, for which it will need government help.

As part of an agreement with Mozambique to expand trade through a Ruvuma free trade area, work is to start on a bridge over the Ruvuma river in September, 1981, to be named the Unity Bridge.

Industry and Power
In February, the Mtera dam, 100 kms. north of Iringa, was inaugurated. It will provide water storage and hydroelectric power, reducing dependence on imported oil. The cost of $113 million is being met by the Swedish International Development Agency and the World Bank.

Angola has agreed to supply Tanzania with part of its oil needs on favourable credit terms and in return for goods.

The American chemical company Agrico has signed an agreement with Tanzania to form a company to make ammonia and urea from natural gas if the Songo Songo field can be exploited. The products would be used to make fertiliser and production could meet all local needs for ammonia and urea and provide a surplus for export.

Natural carbon dioxide found at Kyejo in Longwe District is to be processed with plant supplied by Denmark. Production is expected to begin early in 1982.

Overseas aid
West Germany is to finance a road project in the Usambaras, a paper mill at Musindi, the railway workshop at Morogoro and a water supply for Tanga. Technical cooperation includes support for the Faculty of Engineering at Dar es Salaam, the national coconut development scheme and Nyegezi agricultural college.

Sweden has signed an agreement covering two years, which will provide shs.1,411 million in development assistance and shs.85 million for import support.

President moves to Dodoma
On 26th. July, The President officially moved to the State Lodge at Chamwino village 40 kms. from Dodoma. This is an important step in the plan to move the headquarters of government to the new capital.

The article that never was
During May and June, Dar es Salaam was swept by rumours alleging that an article had been published in Time or Newsweek giving details of money held in Swiss bank accounts by the President and senior party officials. No such article appeared in either journal, but this is difficult to prove, since, together with many other magazines, Time is not being imported as a foreign exchange conservation measure, while the number of copies of Newsweek available is limited. The rumour claimed that the magazines had been banned because of the article. The US library was inundated with requests, but most of its copies of the magazines were stolen. The Tanzanian English language paper Daily News offered shs.20,000 to anyone who could produce the article and promised to print it in full. State House also offered a reward to anyone who could produce one of the photo-copies said to be on sale at shs.200 each. Neither of the rewards has been claimed.

Uganda
The last Tanzanian troops have left Uganda. They entered the country in 1978 to defeat Idi Amin. At the height of the conflict there were 40,000 Tanzanians in Uganda. Most of them returned in 1979 and 1980, but some 10,000 remained until this year helping with training and security. They were called on many times to maintain order and protect key installations. They frequently came in for criticism. Some undoubtedly were involved in activities that have little to do with the job of an army. Some Tanzanian soldiers have been involved in black market trading on a big scale. But generally speaking the Tanzanians have been praised on all sides for their good discipline, their tolerance and their courtesy towards ordinary people on roadblocks, in marked contrast to what Ugandans have become used to from their own soldiers. About 1,000 Tanzanian policemen remain in the country to help with the training and organisation of the police force. As with any departing army, there are the usual social and domestic problems. The army is not only leaving much equipment and supplies behind, to the delight of local people, but Tanzanian soldiers have also had the problem of saying goodbye to a number of women with whom they had been living and the children they had fathered.