After what was officially described as six days of heated debate in the National Assembly, in early December 1992, amendments to Tanzania’s constitution were agreed. The Ninth Constitutional Amendment Bill which was eventually passed has cleared the way for a separation of powers between the Executive, the Judiciary and the Parliament. The Legislature was given power to impeach the President of the United Republic but came under considerable pressure from MP’s on two points.

Firstly, many members opposed a provision which gave the President the right to dismiss the National Assembly at any point – something they regarded as undemocratic. They suggested that this should only happen when elections were due.

Even more controversial was the decision by the Government to shelve a provision on the election of a Vice-President of Tanzania. The Prime Minister insisted on what was described as this ‘sensitive issue’ being postponed for 24 months because wore time was needed for study.

Former Prime Minister Joseph Warioba warned that failure to see the Union (of Tanganyika and Zanzibar) in the context of the historical relations between the two sides could destroy the Union. He said that historical relations between the people of the two sides should be central when amendments to the Constitution were being considered. Some MP’s had wanted the President to have a sunning mate Vice-President but the Prime Minister pointed out that the President would be directly elected by the people. Under the present system, if the President is a citizen of Zanzibar then the First Vice president must come from the mainland.

Referring to a number of inconsistencies in the Constitution the Prime Minister said that an expert team had been appointed to look into these. Once its report was ready it would be fully discussed.

HIGH COMMISSIONER REVIEWS THE BACKGROUND

At the Annual General meeting of the Britain – Tanzania Society on October 15 l992 Tanzanian High Commissioner in London, Ali Mchumo, explained comprehensively the background to what he described as the momentous changes taking place in Tanzania:

An Island of Peace

– Tanzania had remained an enviable island of peace and stability in a troubled continent, he said. Thanks to the good political leadership which had always been guided by a sense of social justice and thanks also to the sense of political maturity and tolerance of the Tanzanian people. “We have had incidents of ‘industrial unrest’ by doctors and nurses but this was under control”.

On the Political Front

“Our move from a one party to a multiparty system was not due to pressure from outside as is reportedly the case elsewhere. I do not need to go into the theoretical arguments about democracy, but I believe we were spared such external pressure for two reasons – one: our one party system was fairly democratic and very different from the East European model as we had free elections regularly; and two: our human rights record is comparable to that of any other democratic state. Of course we were also influenced by events else where, but that is different from pressure.

We believe the essentials of democracy are universal, free elections, accountability of the government to the people, freedom of expression, respect for the Rule of Law etc. but that the format under which such democratic essentials are implemented can vary from country to country depending on the history and culture of the country concerned. – As you know, we became a one Party System as a historical consequence of our political development and not as a result of an ideological commitment to the one party system.

Society Has Changed

But our Society has changed from what it was in 1965 to the present. We have more people now than in 1965 and the level of exposure to education among the people has increased. We have more complex social and economic problems and naturally therefore you may not have the same level of consensus that obtained 30 years ago on how such problems ought to be solved. Events happening in Eastern Europe and elsewhere in Africa also had an impact on our people.
It was with such a background that Mwalimu and the Party in February 1990 encouraged the debate on a multiparty system and in February 1991 President Mwinyi appointed the Nyalali Commission to coordinate the debate and collate people’s views on whether to remain one party or to go multiparty. The Commission found out that, of 36 000 people they heard from, 80% preferred a continuation of the one party system and only 25% wanted a multiparty system. Because this was not a referendum, Nyalali recommended a move to a multiparty system, and the Party and Government accepted this recommendation.

Why the Change to Multipartyism?

Why did the Party and Government accept this recommendation for a multiparty system despite the fact that it had only 20% support? The answer is that reality had to be accepted, that society had changed, that there were people, though a minority, who wanted a change and that to deny the demand of such a minority might be a cause of instability because that minority would continue to agitate for change and the state would have to use force to suppress them.
CCM itself has been based on a democratic tradition and has always responded to demands for greater democracy (in 1981 and 1984) and since the demand for multiparty was for greater democracy, it was in order to accept it.
It was felt that this was the opportune time to initiate such a change when the Party still commanded the respect of the majority of the people so that the changes could be properly managed otherwise chaos would dominate the political scene as had happened elsewhere.

The Conditions

So the Nyalali Report was presented in December 1991 and endorsed by a Party Congress in February P992 but it was emphasized that the political pasties had to fulfil certain conditions that would ensure the preservation of peace, stability and unity in the country. In April 1992 Parliament met to give legislative force to the political changes accepted by the Party :

(i) The Constitution was amended to remove the articles which declared Tanzania a one Party State and which gave CCM a monopoly of political power and supremacy.

(ii) The Registration of Political Parties Act was enacted – it provided conditions by which Political parties could be registered; parties had to be national in scope and to cover h t h mainland and Zanzibar – they should not be based on tribal, regional ethnic, religious or gender ideologies – they should have at least 200 members from each of at least 10 regions (8 mainland, 1 Pemba and 1 Zanzibar) It provides for a Registrar of Political Parties under the Prime Minister’s Office; for a two-stage registration process (provisional registration where a name, manifesto and provisional leadership is required; final registration after 6 months when the required number of members have been achieved). Parties can address rallies after provisional registration but can only participate in elections after final registration.

(iii) Amendment to the Elections Act to provide for new election procedures and the appointment, composition and powers of a new Electoral Commission

(iv) Transitional legislation to validate the existing political structure; the CCH government duly elected in 1990 to remain until the next general election.

Present Situation

The Registration of Political Parties Act came into effect on 1 July 1992 and since then nearly 20 political groups have acquired provisional registration.

Prospects for the Future

The multiplicity of small parties may be a cause for instability, not necessarily violent but it could bring about unstable coalition governments – the “Italian Syndrome”. We have to be aware that having many parties by itself is not a guarantee of democracy. Zaire has over 60 parties but it may not be more democratic than the UK with few parties. What matters is how people are involved in freely taking decisions on matters affecting their lives. Thus, in addition to allowing the formation of political parties, we have to emphasize the existence of free and viable civic organisations like local governments, Trade Unions and other mass organisations.

We need to consolidate a new political culture of tolerance among differing political ideologies so that people may differ without resorting to physical street fighting. You take such a culture here in the U.K. for granted but we have to make special efforts to inculcate it into people’s thinking and behaviour. The concept of a “loyal opposition” is still a distant idea.

There is a challenge to prevent parties from sliding into ethnic, religious or tribal orientation in practice even if in theory they appear national.

We have to remind ourselves that having a multiparty system by itself is not a panacea for our economic and other problems and that we still have to work harder and better to make the economy deliver. By the same token, those of our overseas friends who wish Tanzania democracy well, have to assist us economically so that our people can see that the new political system can meet their expectations.

Finally, there is understandable international concern for there to be democracy in all countries. Indeed, in the aid policy of many developed countries, democracy and human rights have become essential prerequisites, if not conditionalities, for a country to qualify for assistance. The time has now come when the need for democracy and social justice within countries must be matched by the pressure for democracy and social justice between countries.

Answering questions, the High Commissioner said that Tanzania would be using the ‘first past the post’ system in its elections. So far not many differences had been revealed between the policies of the CCM and those of the other parties although none of the new parties were to the left of the CCM in ideology.

Former Foreign Minister Oscar Kambona finally returned to Tanzania after 25 years in exile on September 5th. The Government had earlier announced that it would allow him into the country for three months during which time he would have to clear the question of his citizenship. He travelled on a United Nations document issued by the British authorities. He arrived smiling, with his daughter Neema, and was apparently, surprised at the number of people at the airport to welcome him.

But his appearance, according to ‘Africa Events’, greyhaired and overweight, was a shock to Tanzanians ‘who remembered him as the debonair and jaunty side-kick of Nyerere, whose distinctive hair style was copied by the dashing young men of the time. His press conferences have revealed him as out of touch and preoccupied with settling old scores. ‘

“Millions in Foreign Banks”

Addressing a public rally of his party (TADEA) in Dar es Salaam on November 21 he alleged that Mwalimu Nyerere, former CCM Vice Chairman Rashidi Kawawa and Ambassador Amir Jamal had “millions of money deposited in foreign banks” He claimed that if the money was returned to Tanzania the country would not require to borrow again for the next ten years. For failing to support his allegations with any written evidence some people attending the rally complained that “Kambona amekwishatuacha kwenye mataa.”

Mwalimu Nyerere later denied Kambona’s allegations and challenged him to produce evidence. He told reporters that Kambona’s utterances at his mass rally constituted a breach of the law. Mwalimu declared before the press that he doesn’t have a penny abroad.

Later, Kambona was required by the lawyers of the three leaders to produce, within fifteen days from December 80, evidence to support his allegations. The letter from the lawyers demanded an apology. If Kambona failed to substantiate his claims he was threatened with legal action.
The Break with Nyerere

The Dar es Salaam ‘Express’ published, two weeks after his return, a lengthy interview in which Kambona gave his version of the main reason why he broke his political partnership with Nyerere, It was because of Mwalimu’s glorification of Mao Tse Tung, he said. On his return from a visit abroad, Nyerere had wanted to appoint him Minister of Rural Development to establish the kind of communal farming that Mwalimu had seen in China. Kambona refused the offer of the post and was not offered another one. “Why did you not just become a back bencher in Parliament. Why did you go to England?” “In order not to create instability. I had a large following especially among the youth. I had to make a statement that I had resigned because of ill health”. Kambona also indicated in the interview that he was opposed to Nyerere on a number of other issues including the One Party State. He also answered a question about what he had been doing in London these past years. “I did business. I used to go to the Arab countries. But this did not last…. I then depended on income support in Britain. Every Tuesday you take your book to the Post Office”.

The Army Mutiny

Asked in an interview in the ‘Business Times’ why he had handed back power to Nyerere after the 1964 army mutiny he replied that it was because he believed that a leader must be elected by the people and Nyerere had been elected. Kambona, who was Minister of Defence at the time when Nyerere disappeared temporarily from the scene, said that he had been asked by foreign embassies and also by Mzee Jomo Kenyatta whether he was going to seize power. No, he had replied, it was his duty to see that the country remained peaceful. Are you still friends with Nyerere?” “I think that Nyerere is still my friend. We had no personal differences. Our differences were political. He believes in nationalisation and in the control of the economy.. , . I believe that the economy must be free,. . .when my party is registered we will bury the Arusha Declaration”.

‘Stop Blowing Your Own Trumpet’

An irate reader of the Business Times’, Balinagwe Mwambungu, found what he described as ‘all this mudslinging against our leader and father’ too much to bear. He wrote, in a prominently displayed letter to the editor: ‘Kambona, history has recorded that you were at one time involved in a plot to overthrow the Government of Tanzania by force of arms – ready to spill the innocent blood of the very people you profess to love. Deep in your heart you know that you did us wrong. Your vaulting ambition to rule would have led this country into chaos….If Tanzania was under a tyrant, as you claim, and the Arusha Declaration oppressive (why did you have to) go into exile? (Are you) a shepherd that runs away when a wolf attacks the flock? I admire leaders who, despite the country’s poverty, refused to let anyone die of hunger. Acquaint yourself with the realities prevailing in the rural areas before unveiling the London-made Tanzania Democratic Alliance. Tanzania is a vibrant nation holding itself in esteem. It has a glorious history … I call you a hypocrite because you were the one who led the massive rally that demonstrated in support of the Arusha Declaration two days after its announcement on Sunday February 5th 1967. Remember? You wore a white ‘chou en lai’ and had a megaphone in your hand and your voice went hoarse because of the singing and dancing, I was there…..

At the CCM leadership elections in Dodoma on December 20th President Mwinyi obtained 1,311 votes out of 1,340 cast to retain his Chairmanship of the Party. Zanzibar President Amour got 1,296 votes out of 1,318 and was elected Vice-Chairman. 70 members (out of 292 candidates) were elected to the Party’s National Executive Committee (MEC) which had previously had 150 members, Party Vice-chairman Rashidi Kawawa announced his resignation, after more than 40 years in politics, ‘because of age and poor health’ President Mwinyi asked him not to build a fence round his house “because we want to continue drawing from your pot of wisdom”.

The following day the NEC elected the Party’s 19-member Central Committee which now includes Messrs. Horace Kolimba (Secretary General), Paul Bomani (Treasurer), Kingunge N’gombale Mwiru (Publicity Secretary), Cleopa Msuya, Sebastian Chale, Pius Msekwa, Mustafa Nyang’anyi, ldris Wakil and Ben Mkapa.

More than one million people have joined the CCM Party since the multi-party democracy was adopted last year, announced Party Secretary General Horace Kolimba addressing a huge rally in Mtwara – Daily News.

The ‘Business Times’ published an 8-page supplement on October 30 outlining the personalities and policies of fourteen of the 20 parties provisionally registered. Three of the parties – UMD, CHADEMA and the NCCR were expected to move on to full registration in the near future.

Mr Edwin Mtei of CHADEMA emphasised encouragement of large and small scale farmers through sustained provision of resources, inputs and training. He also said that if his party were elected to power they would abolish the move of government headquarters to Dodoma. He said the move was too costly far the nation.

Chief Fundikira’s UMD party favours the restoration of the nine pre-independence provinces each with an elected governor and parliament, something which his critics say would destroy the unity of the nation.

Party politics returned to Zanzibar with a bang according to “Africa Events” when the Civic United Front (CUF) held it’s first rally, “nothing like at had been seen in the isles since the late 1950’s, with an assembly of some 12,000 apparently committed supporters”. The CUF’s vice-chairman is former Zanzibar Chief Minister Seif Shariff Hamad who is still being charged with a criminal offence involving confidential security documents.

The Rev, Christopher Mtikila, described as ‘the firebrand leader of the Democratic Party’ is serving a nine month jail sentence after being charged with holding an illegal political rally.

The new parties will be able to take part in local government elections on October 31, 1993. The next Presidential election is due in 1995.

One of the main topics of discussion in Dar es Salaam at present is the subject of indigenisation i.e, assistance for African inhabitants to enable them to compete with nonindigenous people (mostly Asians) in business and other
spheres.

Retired President, Mwalimu Nyerere, has made his views very clear. Addressing a press conference at his Msasani residence on December 2nd he warned that the current attempts to categorise Wananchi into indigenous people and others would wreck national unity. He said that the ‘gimmick’ was being used to sell the idea of privatisation but it smacked of racism and would lead to tribal and religious divisions.

He went on to associate privatisation with Thatcherism and Reaganomics and said that the Government should find other means to sell the policy. Mwalimu said that such alien policies had brought turmoil in Britain and the United States which were now in serious economic trouble.

On political pluralism Mwalimu expressed disappointment over the failure by any of the new political parties to articulate their policies which showed lack of seriousness. Having too many parties amounts to having none, he said. “I would be happy if Tanzania had two or three serious parties and, as a Tanzanian, I would support all of them. He maintained, however, that he was a socialist and would only be a member of a socialist party.

He said the policies of any party or nation should not be secret. He stressed that CCM and all the other parties must say openly what they stand for, so as to give voters confidence.