by Ben Taylor

As the Tanzanian political scene gears up for the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, CCM remain in a strong position, despite a growing challenge from Chadema.

But who exactly supports Chadema, and who backs CCM? It has often been assumed that Chadema draws most of its support from a young, urban demographic, while CCM retains strong support in rural areas, though there has been little information available to back this up.

Recently released data from the Afrobarometer initiative, a continent-wide public opinion survey, allows us to examine this question in more detail. The survey asked the standard opinion poll question: If an election were held tomorrow, which party’s candidate would you vote for?

Support for CCM Chadema with age range

First, the survey found that support for Chadema was indeed substan­tially stronger among 15-29 year olds (at 33%) than the over 50s (14%). Conversely, support for CCM rises with age, from just under half the 15-29 year olds (47%), and nearly three in four of those over 50 (71%). Support for CUF and other parties was negligible.

(This survey was conducted in 2012, so those who were 15 at the time will be of voting age by the time of the 2015 election.)

Support for CCM and Chadema versus education level

There is also a strong link between a voter’s level of education and their party affiliation. At each successive level of education, support for CCM dropped, and support for Chadema rose. Among those with post-secondary or university-level education, support for Chadema was higher than for CCM – 51% v 30% among university graduates. Support for CCM among less well-educated groups remains well ahead of Chadema. Among those with primary education, CCM has the support of a strong majority: 59% to Chadema’s 23%.

Since those with primary education or below represent three quarters of all potential voters (8% have no formal education, 13% have some primary education and 58% have completed primary education), this suggests Chadema have a lot of work to do to bring less-well-educated voters to their side.

Opinion poll data – a staple of political journalism across much of the world – have only very occasionally been available in Tanzania. The fast turn-around times of UK-style polls is simply not possible in Tanzania, where there is no easy way of quickly producing a random sample and few organisations have both the capacity and the credibility to carry out polls.

However, two separate initiatives have begun to fill this gap. Twaweza [‘we can make it happen’] have set up a nationally representative sur­vey panel, reachable by mobile phone, and are now conducting twice-monthly public opinion surveys. This initiative is known as Sauti za Wananchi – Voices of the People.

And the Afrobarometer initiative, a periodic Africa-wide survey of public opinion, has recently published data from its 2012 survey round, including Tanzania. This article draws exclusively on Afrobarometer
data.

by Enos Bukuku

Throughout March and April the Constitutional Assembly (CA), the body tasked to come up with a final draft Constitution, was marred by divisions between two informal coalition groups within the Assembly.

“Tanzania Kwanza” is largely made up of CCM members; whilst “UKAWA” (Muungano wa Umoja wa kutetea Katiba ya Wananchi – Coalition of Defenders of the People’s Constitution) is formed mainly from members of the opposition parties.

The arguing and political mud-slinging is focussed almost exclusively on one issue: the nature of the relationship between Zanzibar and main­land Tanzania – “the union question”. Should Tanzania continue with a two-government system (i.e. Tanzania and Zanzibar), or adopt a three-government structure (Tanzania, Zanzibar, Tanganyika), also referred to as a “federal” government?

As the Constitutional Assembly’s first session broke up in April – to allow MPs to return to parliament for the annual budget session – UKAWA’s frustrations with CCM intransigence on the union question led them to walk out on the Assembly. UKAWA is thought to have considerable support among the Tanzanian public.

In 2010, as part of their election manifestos, both Chadema and the Civic United Front (CUF) pushed for a three-tier government, which had previously been proposed by various groups and commissions over the past 30 years or so. The Constitutional Review Committee (CRC) took the initiative and incorporated this into both the first and second drafts of the proposed constitution, which according to Joseph Warioba, Chairman of the CRC, “was aimed at safeguarding the 1964 merger between Tanganyika and Zanzibar”.

It has been argued by supporters of the three-government system that it streamlines the governmental structure and gives Zanzibar more autonomy, thus maintaining stability between mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar. Judge Warioba has gone on record several times to state that most Zanzibaris are in favour of the three-government idea, though this has been challenged by some Zanzibari politicians.

President Kikwete has been vocal in his objection to the proposal; in his opening speech to the Constitutional Assembly, he stated that a three-government system will not add value and will create problems. CCM, which had previously housed a wide range of opinions on the matter, fell quickly into line behind the president.

The delay in debating the draft constitution has had a knock on effect on new laws being drafted. Proposed energy legislation, for example, which could make Tanzania the first exporter of liquefied natural gas in East Africa, may now have to wait until next year.

Changes to the law to ensure better rights for women, children, the disabled, the press, and many other vulnerable groups are likely to be enshrined in the new constitution if it goes ahead. The issue of dual citizenship has received attention from a few high ranking politicians who suggest that its inclusion will be debated in the Constitutional Assembly. However, it is believed that dual nationality is more likely to be incorporated within a separate Act of Parliament rather than within any new constitution. Bernard Membe, the Foreign Minister, told the National Assembly in May: ”We believe that the time is ripe for our country to have an Act that allows dual citizenship, in the interest of our nation’s development”.

All these issues hang in the balance until the Assembly deadlock is broken.

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has also been closely monitoring the situation. In May UNDP Administrator Helen Clark criticised UKAWA for its walk out earlier in the year and urged that they voice their concerns and discontent through the forum of the Assembly, rather than refusing to participate. This has been echoed by Judge Warioba, warning that failure to reach an agreement may plunge the country into a political crisis.

Kenyan politician and legal scholar Patrick Loch Otiendo Lumumba has been asked to mediate in the CA and ease the tensions between UKAWA and Tanzania Kwanza.

The CA Chairman, Samuel Sitta, also sought to broker peace between the rival groups with a reconciliation meeting scheduled for 24 July. The UKAWA members did not show up, arguing that it was pointless as CCM continue to hold a firm line on the union question. Deus Kibamba, chairman of the influential civil society group, Tanzania Constitution Forum (TCF), has called for the debate over the new constitution to be delayed until after next year’s elections. There are many who believe that Tanzania will not get a new constitution because both groups will never reach a consensus.

The debate on the Constitution is due to resume in August. The president has authorised a further extension of the time, allowing 60 days from 5 August for the CA to finalise the draft constitution before it can be presented to the public for a vote. At the time of writing, UKAWA continues to boycott the Assembly, though Sitta insists it will carry on regardless.

This raises two questions: Will the CA have sufficient members present to vote on the articles of the new constitution – will it be quorate? Without UKAWA members, it looks to be very close. And if votes are possible, will a new constitution written by a CCM-dominated Assembly have sufficient popular legitimacy and support to pass a national referendum, and stand the test of time?

It would be a bitter shame if it all collapses at this stage, wasting billions of shillings, years of preparation and most importantly, a golden oppor­tunity to address many of the fundamental problems that the country faces. An independent observer may be forgiven for reaching the con­clusion that Tanzanian politicians excel at forming coalition groups, but underperform in implementing objectives. The next few months will show whether such an observation is unfair.

by David Brewin

Tanzania and the EAC
Three East African Community (EAC) member countries (Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda) continue to forge ahead in signing agreements and strengthening their relations, while Tanzania and Burundi, the other members, remain either absent from discussions or self-excluded because so many of the new development programmes do not directly concern their countries for geographical reasons.

Examples include the dramatic fall in the clearance time for goods going from Mombasa to Kampala – down to 4 days compared with 12 days previously, and from 21 days to 6 for goods going from Mombasa to Kigali (Rwanda). There has been a substantial lowering of costs. This is the result of the East African Single Customs Territory (EASCT), which ministers from the three countries have recently signed.
Under a new special visa deal, foreign residents can get a single six-month multiple entry visa for US $100 valid in all three countries (i.e. not including Tanzania). This compares with the earlier cost of $150. The three countries are also participating together in various international tourist fairs.

From August 2014 the tax on mobile phone calls between the three countries is being reduced by 20%. Plans were being prepared for Tanzania to join in this.

Rwanda
After the rough period in relations between Tanzania and Rwanda last year, relations seem to be slowly getting better again. Rwandan President Paul Kagame said he would readily honour an official invitation to visit Tanzania if he received one because Tanzania meant a lot to him, as did the survival of Rwanda and the stability of the region. Tanzania’s State House responded by saying that the idea was not only welcome but was also a critical step in normalising relations between the two countries.

North Korean arms
A recent UN report has claimed that that 18 military technicians from North Korea had been involved in the refurbishment and repair of Tanzanian F-7 fighter jets and other military aircraft at the its Air Force base in Mwanza. The journal Africa Confidential has reported that although N. Korea has no diplomatic representation in Tanzania, two senior officers had been seconded to the Tanzanian Peoples Defence Forces. The report said that Uganda, Ethiopia and Eritrea were also engaged in providing military assistance.

Tanzania has strongly denied the allegations. “Tanzania has no trade relations with N Korea. UN sanctions are specific. They are about trade and we don’t have any trade deals with North Korea,” said a Foreign Affairs spokesman. He added however that maybe the TPDF may know more.

North Korea is believed to have developed sophisticated ways to circumvent UN sanctions, including the suspected use of its embassies to facilitate an illegal trade in weapons, and making use of complicated financial techniques “pioneered by drug-trafficking organizations” , so that tracking the isolated state’s purchase of prohibited goods is more difficult.

The 127 page report was compiled by a panel of eight UN experts and is part of an annual audit of North Korea’s compliance with UN sanctions imposed in response to Pyongyang’s banned nuclear weapons and missile programs. The panel reports to the UN Security Council.

“From the incidents analyzed in the period under review, the panel has found that (North Korea) makes increasing use of multiple and tiered circumvention techniques,” a summary of the report said.

Chinese ambassador speaks frankly
In a wide ranging interview given by Chinese Ambassador Lu Youqing to the Hong Kong newspaper South China Post (quoted by the Citizen) he touched on some delicate parts of Chinese relations with Tanzania and Tanzanians.

On corruption he said that in 2011 his country had made amendments to its criminal law so that it was now a criminal offence for Chinese nationals to bribe nationals in foreign countries.

The Ambassador voiced his concern about “shoddy” work being carried out by some Chinese contractors in neighbouring countries and said that some infrastructure projects had been undertaken by Chinese companies at unrealistic prices. They had been building roads for between $300,000 and $400,000 per km but the real cost was much higher and he wondered what would happen to these roads in five years’ time.

The Ambassador expressed his disappointment over “bad habits” that tarnished China’s image in Tanzania. For example he mentioned corruption and illegal ivory trading. “Our people just cannot shake off their bad habits. When they come to Africa, they are not united and engage in infighting as usual” he said. He referred to competition among Chinese companies over contracts and bribes offered to Tanzanian officials to lobby on their behalf.

On violent crime targeting Chinese nationals in Tanzania he said: “Tanzania has ambassadors from about seventy countries but none of them needs to constantly worry like us about consular protection issues, police harassment and robberies targeting Chinese citizens.”

by Mark Gillies

Prior to his resignation, Natural Resources and Tourism minister, Ambassador Khamis Kagasheki, inspects tusks impounded at a Mikocheni house (DSM)

Tokomeza – to scatter, or destroy, or to reduce to nothing.

In the autumn of 2013, a report commissioned by the government’s Wildlife Division and the Frankfurt Zoological Society concluded that the elephant population of the Selous Game Reserve had dropped to 13,000, its lowest recorded level. This is a drop of 80% from the previous survey in 2005, when there were an estimated 65-70,000 elephants. The cause of this decline was unrestrained, systematic poaching. At the current rate, in four years time there would no longer be any elephants left in the Selous.

The Tanzanian government had no choice: it had to act. The result was Operation Tokomeza, a cross-services, multi-ministry attempt to end the poaching of large mammals in Tanzania.

Initial success came in the form of increased seizures of illicit ivory, but this was soon overshadowed by horrific stories of beatings, sexual assault and even murder, some of which were recorded on mobile phones and posted on YouTube. MPs raised questions in Parliament, issuing a report that confirmed the existence of human rights abuses. The Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Hamisi Kagasheki, resigned, and three Ministers were sacked: the Minister for Home Affairs, Emmanuel Nchimbi, the Minister for Defence and National Service, Shamsi Vuai Nahodha and the Minister for Livestock Development, David Mathayo.

In the last days of 2013, President Kikwete cancelled Operation Tokomeza. In the months that have followed, as ivory seizures continue and a number of Chinese nationals have been arrested (one successfully prosecuted and sentenced to 20 years imprisonment), the international media, led by the Daily Mail and ITV in the UK, has caught up with the story of Tanzania’s poaching crisis, ratcheting up the pressure on the government and focusing on what is being done to protect the wildlife that Mwalimu Nyerere vowed to protect.

There is currently a struggle going on in rural Tanzania, where competing interests battle one another as well as the forces of the state that remain true to protecting the natural resources of Tanzania. To this battle must be added widespread ineptitude and inability to control men with guns but no sense of personal responsibility. A sense of fear pervades all those willing to contribute information for this article; not one would agree to be identified. They fear the consequences of becoming known to those with power, those with weapons, or both.

According to one source, close to, but not involved in, the operation in the vicinity of the Selous, Tokomeza was inspired by Operation Uhai, the 1989 ‘silver bullet’ that was seen to have successfully stopped poaching at the end of the 20th Century. Tokomeza was intended to repeat this, or at least provide a positive PR opportunity.

While some involved in the operation were motivated by media coverage and not the actual result, committed individuals across the services, led by the Minister, Khamis Kagasheki, made comprehensive preparations.

In the northern Selous, three lorry loads of soldiers from Tanga, three Land rovers of police field force from Morogoro, two TANAPA Land cruisers with rangers from Ruaha/Mikumi, and locally based Wildlife Division rangers arrived at night, and the next day were out in the villages. A similar pattern was also witnessed in the Ruaha National Park area and across Northern Tanzania.

Results came quickly, for the first time in over a decade more illegal ivory was seized in Tanzania than in transit to (or in) the Far East. In 2013, there were 56 seizures of ivory in Tanzania totalling 8,255kg, the equivalent of what has been seized over the last decade, and 216 suspected poachers and traffickers have been brought to court. Mobile phones confiscated from poachers provided the security services with invaluable information that enabled them to quickly move up the poaching command structure from the villages to those commissioning the killings.

In the opinion of the Selous source, two weeks into the operation the intelligence services had enough information to arrest a number of senior individuals, if there was the political will to do so. This information was compiled in a dossier that included the names of the senior people involved in the illegal trade, some alleged to be very close to the President.

The sources contributing to this article do not deny that human rights abuses occurred. Trucks full of detainees were seen and footage posted online purportedly showing soldiers and rangers beating villagers and engaging in brutal and degrading treatment. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kwGnkTqVDhI). However, why was it at the exact point at which the dossier was compiled that MPs in parliament began protesting against the abuses of the operation, so that Tokomeza was suspended? Policing actions across Africa are often brutal, but in this case, the allegation is that the brutality itself was a means by which to sabotage the operation and bring it to a premature end. Fear of collusion between game rangers and poachers was such that operational personnel were trucked in from distant districts, but perhaps the effect of corruption in the upper echelons was underestimated? (http://www.rasilimaliwatch. org/index.php/en/component/content/article/19-sample-dataarticles/main/24­rasilimali)

To understand the story of poaching in Tanzania, it is necessary to understand the stakes. The website ‘Serengeti Watch’, illustrates the financial reality of the poaching war well:
‘During this time (2009-13) – Poachers could make $300 a tusk, grossing more than $34 million. Middlemen sold to sellers in the city for about $1000 a tusk, total profit $23 million. Sellers passed onto exporters for $1400 a tusk, total profit $23 million. In China one pound of ivory sells for about $1000, making the gross value of Selous’ elephants worth billions. This big money has attracted organized crime, corrupt officials, and terrorist groups like Al-Shabab.’
(http://www.savetheserengeti.org/uncategorized/selous-game-reserve-tragedy/)

Yet, this is not just a story of personal aggrandizement. 2015 will be an election year in Tanzania. The ruling party is divided; new political parties threaten change; and elections campaigns cost large amounts of money. It is a sad joke that when safari drivers pass one another on a game drive and pause to ask the whereabouts of the animals that all tourists wish to see, they no longer use ‘masikio’ (ears) for the elephant, but the name of a senior ruling party official.

Operation Tokomeza is a story of the appropriation of national resources for private profit. It is a story of ineptitude and unrestrained violence, but it is also an example of what can be achieved by the men and women of Tanzania committed to protecting the animals that continue to contribute so much to the development of the nation, even in these days of gas, gold and uranium.

When Minister Kagasheki addressed the House prior to his resignation, he spoke of the need for an investigation into what really happened during Tokomeza. It is suspected he knows well enough, but he needs someone else to do the telling.

There are calls in Tanzania for a second Tokomeza. Sadly, this is a story that will continue just as long as you can buy ivory in Mwenge Market. As of now, you can.

Editor’s note:
In February President Kikwete attended the London Conference on the Illegal Wildlife Trade, and together with the leaders of Botswana, Gabon and Chad promised that he will not ask for permission from CITES to sell any of the Tanzanian ivory stockpile (currently 137 tons of ivory, worth over US$80 million). He further noted that the government was organizing financial and logistical requirements to re-launch Operation Tokomeza.

by Enos Bukuku

A couple of years ago President Kikwete may have thought that as his presidential tenure draws to a close, he would like to leave a befitting legacy behind. His thought process may have gone something like this:
“I’ll spearhead a movement to give Tanzanians a new constitution which will involve the entire nation’s participation. First, we’ll create a Constitutional Review Committee (CRC), headed by a very intelligent and well respected former judge. The CRC will collect the views of Tanzanians from all walks and ensure their participation, which will result in the preparation of a draft bill. That draft will be passed to a Constituent Assembly (CA) who will prepare a final draft, to be presented to the nation for a referendum. This should be a good way for me to finish my two terms as President and be remembered as the man who ushered Tanzania into a new, fairer and more hopeful era”.

If only it was that simple…..

Constitutional change has been welcomed by most in Tanzania, but understandably there has been much debate as to what changes need to be made. Whilst CCM and the President were never really for the idea of a three government solution (with separate governments for Zanzibar, mainland Tanzania and the Union) this has dominated all other proposed changes.

The CRC were very much in favour of a three government system, and when they handed over the reins to the CA, they may have been expecting that the subsequent procedure of finalising the draft would be a mere formality. Judge Warioba announced at the end of December that 61% of the mainland and 60% of Zanzibaris were in favour of the controversial three government system.

An independent opinion poll on the subject found that a large majority on Zanzibar (80%) support the three government proposal, while mainland Tanzania is split on the issue (43% in support) – see next article.

In the last issue of Tanzanian Affairs we documented the problems and delays experienced by the CRC. There were anti-reform rallies against CCM and the CRC, a fight in the National Assembly and Chadema walk outs. Unfortunately the delays and debacles were not restricted to the CRC.

The scheduled deadline for the CA to finalise the draft was 26 April 2014. Although the CA was sworn in on 18 February there was a month delay before any agenda matters could be kicked off, while the rules to govern the CA debates were discussed – including a lengthy debate as to whether clauses should be approved by open or closed ballot.

An interim chairman, Mr Pandu Ameir Kificho, was appointed to chair the CA whilst they decided on who would be the permanent chairperson. According to Mr Kificho, the CRC misrepresented the nation by suggesting that Zanzibar was for a three government system, adding that the draft Constitution causes more problems than it solves regarding strengthening the Union.

Parliament eventually appointed veteran legislator Samuel Sitta to chair the CA. In the two months since then, Mr Sitta has had his work cut out to quell various disputes which continue to plague the Assembly.

After the delay, the question was raised as to whether the CA had the full 70 days to sit or 47 remaining days. Mr Sitta had to take some time to find the answer.

An internal dispute then broke out in the CA over an alleged discrepancy in vote counting, followed by an argument over how much daily allowance committee members would receive. On one day members put aside the agenda of the day to demand increased pay, arguing that the Tsh 300,000 (£110) daily allowance was insufficient.

Then, in mid-April, members of coalition group UKAWA, comprising assembly members from the main opposition parties and some members from independent groups, walked out of the assembly and threatened a series of protests against the draft, criticising the process. Insults and “discriminative sentiments” were exchanged among fac­tions within the assembly.

In an attempt to bring order to the proceedings in their Easter address, Tanzanian clerics proposed that they would form a group of at least 20 to help bring unity. Bishop Mdoe said “Unfortunately, we do not see the wisdom expected to be seen among some faces in Dodoma. The Assembly should not drag itself into the trap of this bad devil.”

At the time of writing, only a few sections of the second draft constitution have been debated. These sections deal with the structure of the government and the implementation of a three government system. It must be remembered that the CA must have a two-thirds majority for a chapter or the entire draft constitution to be approved and then presented to the nation for the referendum. At the moment, this does not appear likely.

To the lay citizen this must be confusing and frustrating, given that many will not understand the need for such a change, which is dominating the agenda of proposed reform, putting aside important issues such as women’s rights, health, education and human rights.

The sensitive subject of dual citizenship has also received little attention so far. One CA member has very recently called for the government to allow dual citizenship, but whether he can persuade his colleagues to include it in the final draft remains to be seen.

The CA, not unexpectedly, requested an extension of the period during which it sits. It is now due to reconvene in August, to give time for parliament to convene for the budget session. The likelihood is that the assembly will request further extensions of time given that the other chapters of the draft constitution have not yet been debated.

One certainty is that a new constitution is still a long way off, with political partisanship being an issue which needs to be deal with. There is clearly a lot of passion and interest from all sides regarding the constitution. It is hoped that such passion can be harnessed to finalise what has been a massive undertaking. President Kikwete may still leave a glorious legacy behind, but at the moment it looks as if a new and improved constitution may not form part of that legacy.

by Jacob Knight

Kikwete and Cameron outside No 10 Downing Street

President Kikwete visited London from 31 March-1 April on a three day official visit. He met with the Prime Minister David Cameron and Foreign Secretary William Hague and held talks at Buckingham Palace with the Duke of York, Britain’s Trade Ambassador. The President opened the UK/Tanzania Trade and Investment Forum and visited Aberdeen to see UK expertise in the oil and gas sector. William Hague noted during the visit: “I am delighted at the growing partnership between the UK and Tanzania on a number of fronts. Tanzania offers significant opportunities for British businesses in the energy sector and beyond and has the potential to become a major new global gas supplier.”

The President also met with over 500 diaspora in North Wembley, urging them to play a meaningful role in the country’s affairs and noting that the issue of dual citizenship was being considered.

by Ben Taylor

Nelson Mandela with President Nyerere and Mama Maria Nyerere during his visit to Tanzania after his release in 1990 (source http://ancarchives.org.za)

The death of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela has drawn tributes from the great and the good (and the not so great or good) around the world. Presidents Barack Obama and Jacob Zuma understandably drew the most attention.
Tanzania’s President Kikwete and Mama Maria Nyerere, the widow of Julius Nyerere, attended the funeral service in the village of Qunu. They were both very warmly received. President Kikwete paid tribute to Mandela, taking the opportunity to remind those in attendance, and the watching world, of Tanzania’s role in the anti-apartheid struggle and of the time Mandela spent in Tanzania. In the process, he brought Thabo Mbeki, Mandela’s successor as South African President, to tears. The following is an extract from President Kikwete’s tribute:

“The people of Tanzania would like you to know that you are not alone. They are with you during this difficult period and mourning. They are saying your grief is our grief, your loss is our loss. Nelson Mandela was our leader, our hero, our icon and our father as much as he was yours. The people of Tanzania have lost a great friend and great comrade in arms.

“President Mandela had long standing association with Tanzania. It dates back to the times of the struggle for independence and liberation here in South Africa and in Tanzania. We supported each other at the time of need. It was no accident, therefore, that after the ANC decided to establish the armed wing, the Umkotho we Sizwe, after peaceful means seemed to be futile, Dar es Salaam was Madiba’s first port of call in 1962. He left South Africa secretly and came to newly independent Tanganyika to seek support for the armed struggle and a place to train the MK combatants.

“Though at first President Nyerere had some reservations about when and how to initiate the armed struggle, he accepted Madibas’ request and provided members of the MK both permission to live in Tanzania and places to train. I am sure to the ANC and MK veterans gathered here, names like Kongwa, Mgagao, Morogoro, Mazimbu and Dakawa sound familiar. They may even rekindle nostalgic memories of the life they lived in Tanzania.

“Besides that, Tanzania was generous enough to give cadres of the liberation movements travel documents – passports and all that is needed. Where necessary, they assumed Tanzanian names. When Madiba came to Tanzania he had no passport. He was given a Tanzanian travel document. It facilitated his movement. And I know a number of you used Tanzanian travel documents – I don’t know if Thabo returned his?

“There is another interesting thing about Madibas’ first visit to Tanzania in 1962 which I would like to mention. In order to keep the visit discreet, he did not stay in hotels; he stayed at the home of TANU’s Treasurer who was then the Minister for Commerce and Industries Mr Nsilo Swai. On his departure to his onward trip to Accra, Lagos, Addis and Algiers, he left his boots at Mr Swai’s home in the hope that on his way back he would pick up the boots. Unfortunately, he did not pass through Dar es Salaam and shortly after arriving back in South Africa, Mandela was arrested and imprisoned and spent the 27 years in Robben Island.

“Fortunately, the Swai family kept the boots awaiting his return. In 1995 when Madiba was President of the new South Africa, the pair of brown boots was handed back to him by Mrs Vicky Nsilo Swai the widow of the late Nsilo Swai who died in 1994.

“I have narrated these stories and anecdotes to let people know how far back, the present excellent relations between our two friendly countries and both the ANC and Chama cha Mapinduzi have come from. It is not by accident that South Africa and Tanzania enjoy excellent bilateral relations. We are close friends and allies because our common history unites us.

“Comrades, it is none other than our founding father, first President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, and the first President of the new South Africa, Nelson Mandela who are responsible for this. They built very strong foundations for our bilateral relations. Madiba is very much our leader, our hero, our icon and our father as he is to you. That is why your sadness, grief and sorrow are ours as well. That is why we also join you in celebrating the life of this great man.”

see TA Issue 36 for details of Mandela’s visit to Tanzania in 1990

by David Brewin
The ruling CCM party has been remarkably successful for almost fifty years through tight discipline, dealing with dissident elements internally and behind closed doors. It has never been defeated in a general election.

Prospects for CCM to maintain this record in the next election, in 2015, look strong. The leading opposition party, Chadema, which had been growing in strength for several years, is now in crisis.

In dealing with its most dynamic, charismatic and ambitious young MP (for Kigoma North), Zitto Kabwe, the policy has been to give him more and more responsibility. He is (or was) deputy secretary general of the party and its deputy leader in parliament. He is also shadow minister of finance and chairman of parliament’s finance committee (and other important committees).

It was a surprise therefore when, in November, he and two other senior party figures were stripped of all their positions except party membership. They were accused of eleven offences and preparation of a secret ‘conspiring manifesto.’ They were given until mid-December to explain why the party should not expel them. There followed the resignations of Ally Chitanda, secretary in the office of the party’s secretary general (who complained about religious segregation, tribalism and excessive payments to executives) and Said Arfi, national vice chairman of the party.

CCM had greatly feared the increasingly strong Chadema party, but its members and supporters are likely to have a more merry Christmas after these startling events.