The Citizen and other media continue to provide Tanzanians with full coverage of political developments.

Ructions in parliament
It was drama after drama in Parliament on June 18, according to the Citizen, when Chadema MP John Mnyika was thrown out of the House after he refused to withdraw a statement that President Kikwete was a weak leader. Mnyika had said that the budget, which had been criticised by many MPs, was the result of President Kikwete’s weakness, Parliament’s laxity and the CCM’s “stupidity”.

At this point, Government Chief Whip William Lukuvi shot up and asked Deputy Speaker Job Ndugai to order Mnyika to withdraw his remarks. He added: “According to section 64 of our Standing Orders, it is forbidden to use abusive or unpalatable language, especially when referring to the President. And, to make things worse, Mr Mnyika has personally referred to President Kikwete, not the presidency. This is unacceptable.” Mr Ndugai concurred with Mr Lukuvi and asked Mr Mnyika to withdraw the statement, but the youthful MP refused to comply. “Mr Deputy Speaker, if you would listen to what I meant, you would see my point,” Mnyika retorted. But Ndugai intervened, saying: “Mr Mnyika, this is an order. You should withdraw the statement because you didn’t use decent language.” Mnyika responded that he would stand by his statement since he had not meant any harm.

The Deputy Speaker stood up, holding a copy of the Parliamentary Standing Orders, and said: “According to section 73(2) of our Standing Orders, if a member uses abusive, attacking or unpalatable language and he refuses to withdraw his statement after being ordered by the chair, the Speaker may order the Sergeant at Arms to send him out and he may remain outside for the remainder of the session on that day..I am taking that decision now. Sergeant at Arms, please escort Mr Mnyika out and make sure that he does not return until tomorrow at 9am.” But, having sensed what was coming, Mr Mnyika had already collected his documents and left the debating chamber.

The sniping along party lines started earlier when Tundu Lissu MP, (Singida East – Chadema) had dismissed the government and ruling party as useless and a group of silly people.

The President’s earlier comments
President Kikwete earlier saluted the seventh sitting of Parliament, saying that the fearless frankness with which MPs had discussed embezzlement of public funds was doubly advantageous. Firstly, it jolted him as Head of State into thinking how to set things right; secondly, it enhanced amongst the wananchi respect and confidence for MPs as genuine servants who seriously strove to promote the public interest.

Mr Kikwete dismissed the notion that he was angered by the discussions on the subject in the House, stressing that on the contrary, they excited him, since they demonstrated the resolve by the people’s representatives to press the government to book looters of public wealth.“ I found the frank and fearless discussions on sensitive issues that have a critical impact on the livelihood of wananchi most pleasant; this is the best way of practicing good governance.” He went on to assure his audience that the government would not be indifferent to the issues raised by MPs, remarking “I congratulate them for pushing the government to act on important issues….”. He was pleased that his efforts to strengthen the office of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), and his call for discussions on its reports to be more transparent, were beginning to bear fruit. When he had received the first CAG report in 2007, he was deeply shocked by the way public servants were embezzling public funds and he had vowed to make changes.

Kikwete picks Mbatia as an MP

President Kikwete has named the chairman of the small opposition NCCR-Mageuzi Party, James Mbatia, to be a nominated MP. Mbatia joins four elected NCCR-Mageuzi MPs in Parliament. He failed to win the Kawe seat in Dar es Salaam in the 2010 elections (Chadema won the seat). Others nominated as MPs are Prof Sospeter Muhongo and Ms Janeth Mbene.

This nomination takes to six the number of MPs nominated by President Kikwete since the 2010 elections. The constitution allows him to pick a maximum of ten nominated MPs. Earlier nominees were Shamsi Vuai Nahodha, Prof. Makame Mbarawa and former Finance Minister Ms Zakia Meghji. Mr Nahodha and Prof Mbarawa were later appointed Home Affairs Minister and Minister for Communications, Science and Technology.

Retired University of Dar es Salaam lecturer Dr Azaveli Lwaitama said that, while the nomination of a politician from the opposing camp as an MP was bound to raise eyebrows, “I think this is the first time the President has nominated the national chairman of an opposition party as an MP… Prof Muhongo, a respected expert in mining, would add value to parliament, especially at this time when there are efforts to ensure that the country benefits more from its mineral resources.”

Deputy Leader of the Official Opposition in Parliament Zitto Kabwe MP (Chadema), echoed Dr Lwaitama’s views, saying Mr Mbatia’s nomination was not unusual. Praising these nominations he said that nominated MPs would not have to worry about voters and constituencies. They would have enough time to deal with national problems without unnecessary distractions.

Tanzania gazettes new regions and districts
The Tanzania government has officially announced the establish­ment of four new regions – Geita, Katavi, Njombe and Simiyu – and 19 districts – Buhingwe, Busega, Butiama, Chemba, Gairo, Ikungi, Itilima, Kakonko, Kalambo, Kaliua, Kyerwa, Mbogwe, Mkalama, Mlele, Momba, Nyang’hwale, Nyasa, Uvinza and Wanging’ombe.

Election Appeal Verdicts

It seems a long time since the last parliamentary elections in 2010. At the end of those elections, several candidates appealed to the courts to rectify what they considered to have been incorrectly conducted vote counting or other infringements of the electoral laws. Finally the courts have begun to give the verdicts on the electoral petitions and both main parties have had reason for satisfaction and disappointment, as generally the election results have been upheld.

The High Court in Dar es Salaam threw overboard with costs a petition which sought to nullify the results in Segerea constituency in which the ruling CCM candidate, Dr. Makongoro Mahanga, had won. The results had been as follows: CCM 43,839 votes and Chadema 39,639.

In the verdict, which took almost four hours to read, Judge Ibrahimu Juma rejected arguments presented by the petitioner in the case, Fred Mpendazoe (Chadema), and upheld Mahanga’s victory. The judge said that the petitioner had failed to bring in reliable witnesses who would have given correct information on what had really transpired during the elections. The judgement was delivered amid tight security with huge crowds of Chadema and CCM supporters outside. The MP was escorted by jubilant CCM supporters past protesting opposition Chadema backers. The Guardian reported that Dr Mahanga could barely hold back tears after the court dismissed the petition. The court ruled that the entire election exercise in Segerea had been free, fair and in line with the law regulating general elections. The judge ordered the petitioner to pay the costs of the case.

In Mbeya, Chadema’s incumbent – Mbozi West MP David Silinde – triumphed over CCM’s Dr Luka Siyame. A three-judge bench dealt Dr Siyame a second legal blow by declining his request to overturn a high court ruling which had dismissed his election petition. Justice Msofe dismissed the section of law which the advocate had used to move the withdrawal intention, saying it had many legal defects. The bench ordered Siyame to foot the costs of the case.

In Dar the High Court upheld the election of Chadema’s John Mnyika as the Ubungo MP. Lady Justice Upendo Msuya dismissed the petition filed by the losing CCM candidate, Ms Hawa Ng’humbi, for lack of sufficient grounds to overturn the result.

In Biharamulo the judge accepted that the elected CCM MP had been elected in free and fair elections.

For what is believed to be the first time in some fifty years, Tanzania’s ruling party – the Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) – has lost a parliamentary by-election. It happened on 1 April 2012 in the Arumeru East constituency, Arusha region. The result had been expected to be close, but in fact the rapidly growing leading opposition party, the Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (Chadema), won the seat comfortably.

The results were as follows:
Joshua Nassari Chadema 32,972 (54%)
Sioi Sumari CCM 26,757 (44%)

The CCM candidate was the son of the previous MP for the area who had died a few months earlier. He received support during the campaign from former President Benjamin Mkapa amongst others. There were six other candidates but they all got less than 100 votes. In a trend which is causing growing concern, only 60,696 voters, out of 120,000 who had registered, actually voted.

Political analysts have been having a field day in estimating how this result will influence the next general election in 2015. They note that Chadema has secured victory in all strategic constituencies in Northern Tanzania from Karatu and Arusha Urban to Arumeru (which borders the Moshi-Arusha road), Hai, Rombo and Moshi Urban. Many observers felt that the 50 year old CCM party had failed to respond adequately to the allegations levelled by Chadema that the country’s poverty was linked to the corrupt practices of some CCM officials.

CCM Ideology and Publicity Secretary Nape Nnayuye was quoted as saying that CCM had made radical reforms to check its weaknesses, including unethical conduct among the rank and file. He said that the party had reduced the problem of unethical conduct by 50 per cent.

CCM maintains high levels of support in rural areas but Chadema is gaining more and more support in towns and cities. One observer commented: ‘The era of CCM landslides is over, Chadema is emerging as a serious threat to CCM’s dominance while the small parties seem to be fading away’.

By-Election incidents
There were no major incidents on election day and the voting went smoothly. However, in the weeks before the by-election there were many incidents, most of them minor but a few involving violence. Several of the worst were during the initial selection of the party candidates where there was intense competition between senior party members.

Some of the CCM cadres who participated in the campaigns said: “There are some Chadema leaders who have been personally, or through their agents, going around Arumeru East collecting or sometimes buying voters’ cards.”

CCM cadres were said to have ‘hijacked’ a Chadema leader and later admitted that they had held one for interrogation but did not harm him. They said that they wanted to question the man as part of a follow-up on Chadema misdeeds. They were questioned by Usa River police but later let out on bail.
Chadema refuted reports that their cadres were buying voters’ cards. They said that they were only verifying the cards, using a permanent voters’ register, which was allowed by law.

CCM candidate Sioi said: “I’m contesting through a party which has a clean record on development….you have seen examples of the good projects which have been implemented by CCM….we have a record here of electing presidents and members of parliament by 100 per cent of the votes… Please vote for me to maintain the record”.

By Frederick Longino

In the light of the political enthusiasm in Tanzania today, there is no doubt that everyone, with the exception of the cynics, was eagerly looking forward to the selection by President Kikwete of the (hopefully) reputable, distinguished and impartial people needed to serve on the Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) which will be responsible for collecting public views and recommending the main features of the proposed new constitution.

On 6 April 2012 he revealed the names of the team before a well-attended press conference at the State House.

They include former Prime Minister and Chairperson of the Anti-corruption Enquiry Commission Judge Joseph Warioba as the Chairperson and retired Chief Justice Augustino Ramadhan as the Vice Chairperson, as well as 30 other members – 15 from the mainland and 15 from Zanzibar. The President named Assaa Ahmad Rashid as the Commission’s Secretary, to be assisted by Casmir Sumba Kyuki. The former previously served as Permanent Secretary in the Justice and Constitutional Affairs Ministry, while the latter was Principal Draftsman in the Attorney General’s Chambers.

The 15 from Tanzania mainland include Prof Mwesiga Baregu (political science professor at St. Augustine University and Chadema political advisor), Riziki Shahari Mngwali (lecturer at the Centre for Foreign Relations, Dar es Salaam), Dr Edmund Mvungi (constitutional lawyer, Vice Chancellor of Bagamoyo University and NCCR-Mageuzi party legal advisor), Richard Lyimo, John Nkolo (chair of the Tanzanian Centre for Democracy), Alhaj Said Hamad El-Maamry (lawyer and sports administrator), Jesca Mkuchu (Tanzania Gender Networking Programme), Professor Palamagamba Kabudi (Dean of the University of Dar es Salaam School of Law), Humphrey Polepole (Youth Advocacy), Yahya Msulwa (Teachers’ Union), Esther Mkwizu (private sector), Maria Malingumu Kashonda (chairperson of the Tanzania Women Lawyers Association), Al-Shaymaa Kwegyir (CCM MP special seat), Mwantumu Malale (former Principal Secretary in the Government and the Vice Chancellor of the Islamic University of Morogoro) and Joseph Butiku (Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation executive director).

Members from Zanzibar include Dr Salim Ahmed Salim (former Secretary General of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and member of the Nyerere Foundation), Fatma Said Ali, Omar Sheha Mussa (former CCM MP Chumbuni), Raya Salim Hamad (CCM House of Representatives Special seat), Awadh Ali Said (Zanzibar Law Society), Ussi Khamis Haji (lawyer and former Vice-chair Zanzibar Electoral Commission), Salma Maoulidi (Womens rights), Simai Mohamed Said (chairman of the Zanzibar Association of Tourism Investors), Abubakar Mohamed Ali (Director General Zanzibar Clove Producers Organization) and Ally Abdullah Ally Saleh (BBC Swahili correspondent).

The selection had been made from a pool of 550 names proposed by political parties, religious institutions, NGOs and other interested parties.

United
The media, as well as online discussions, indicated that many Tanzanians at home and abroad approved many of the names in spite of a minority opposition from a few who are unhappy with the omission of renowned constitutional lawyer Professor Issa Shivji and the domination of lawyers in the Commission.
Admirably, President Kikwete opted to maintain the solidarity of Tanzanians and ensure that even controversial and outspoken names were included. Well-wishers are lauding the President’s fearless heart and willingness to stand against some of his own party, despite the epithets that have flowed freely since speculation about the membership built up. If this was a CCM love story to rival opposition parties, then Kikwete wrote a script that even opposers of the President would have been proud of. Kikwete admitted (Nipashe) on March 7 that, he feared for his party in power first, despite praising the performance of the opposition MPs team, with emphasis on his impressive record in listening to different opinions. He added: “How many times have I been in that position and tried to reconcile opposing views?”

No criticism
It is difficult to find anything negative to say about the Commission at the moment– but people expect more firepower in parliament in 2014 when the final Constitution Bill will be tabled for debate and approval.

The Commission was due to commence work on 1 May 2012 and to finish by the end of October 2013, when it will prepare a draft document to be tabled in a Constituent Assembly for deliberation, before being taken back to the people, who will then decide on it through a referendum.

(Since this was written we have learnt that CHADEMA founder and retired Chairperson Edwin Mtei had protested that there were 21 Muslims and only nine Christians on the team; this did not adequately reflect the calibre and experience required, he said. CHADEMA MP for Singida East Tundu Lissu was unhappy about the 15 Zanzibar members representing a population of 1.5 million while the 15 members from the mainland represented some 40 million people – Editor).

UPDATE: In fact the aims to remove five ministers suspected of corruption where successful – please see update at end of article (events came after printed edition went to press)

As this issue of TA went to press a determined attempt in Parliament to force the resignation of Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda failed. On April 23, after a week of high drama in the National Assembly, Chadema Deputy Leader in the House, Zitto Kabwe, who following the Arumeru by-election now has 49 MPs, drew up a motion of no confidence in the government. The original target of the angry MPs was a group of five government ministers, headed by the Minister of Finance, considered to be the main culprits. But it soon became apparent that a vote of no confidence in these ministers had to be addressed to the Prime Minister and not to minsters who served under him. Defenders of the Prime Minister later objected that he himself had done nothing wrong.

The crisis arose when President Kikwete was in Brazil attending a conference and, later, for a brief time, in Malawi, attending the funeral of the late President Mutharika, so that responsibility fell firmly on the shoulders of the PM.

This saga is long and complicated and the issue seems likely be raised again when parliament re-assembles in June after a recess.

Report of the Controller and Auditor General
Every year, for many years, the Controller and Auditor General (AG) has published an annual report summarising the financial performance of the various ministries of government. These reports have often been highly critical but have frequently been swept under the carpet and actions to punish those in error have been rare.

A press release from Sikika (info@sikika.or.tz) on April 22 provided some details about the various alleged misdemeanours:
‘There were goods paid for but not delivered amounting to TShs 31 billion and expenditures not properly supported amounting to TShs 8 billion. There were salaries paid to retirees, absentees and ineligible officers amounting to TShs.143 million and questionable payments amounting to TShs.1.5 billion….. There were also cumulative losses incurred by the Government in terms of public monies, stores written off and abandoned claims that had increased from TShs.11 billion during the year 2009/2010 to almost 13 billion in 2010/2011. In the health sector payments amounting TShs 77 million were made without supporting payment vouchers, salaries amounting to TShs 50 million were paid to retired workers and nugatory expenditures amounted to TShs 32 million. It was further reported that in 2011 the Health ministry spent about TShs 1 billion on the Nane-nane celebrations while in the same year the Ministry failed to pay intern doctors allowances amounting to TShs. 176 million only. It was this lack of priorities within the Ministry that led to the doctors’ strike earlier in the year.’

In its research on the whole matter the media and, in particular, the social networks, soon began to publish many highly confidential and secret government documents which is an unusual new development in Tanzania.

Mobilising support
On April 19, in what was described in the Citizen as an extraordinary move, opposition MPs, who frequently differ strongly, put aside their differences and teamed up to call for the resignation of five cabinet ministers adding that they would demand the resignation of the PM if the ministers did not resign voluntarily. 39 Chadema MPs signed plus 27 from CUF and the two from the smaller parties. The ministers were accused of corruption and presiding over incompetence and embezzle¬ment of billions of shillings by public servants.

Strenuous efforts were made to persuade a few unhappy CCM (government party) MPs to join the action but most were dissuaded by their Party leadership.

However, Ludewa MP Deo Filikunjombe was the first from CCM to publicly admit to having signed the petition and it seems that three or four other CCM MPs signed quietly. Mr Filikunjombe was quoted as saying that he had decided to sign as a representative of the people. “We are all aware of the rot in the government and what we need now is change, not a revolution…..I was summoned by a Minister in the Prime Minister’s Office but I knew what he wanted so I decided to sign first before I went to see him. When we met I told him that I had signed the petition and why I had decided to do so.”

By this time Mr Kabwe was oozing confidence saying that he would easily surpass the 20% rule but things then started to go wrong.

The Speaker’s ruling
National Assembly Speaker Anne Makinda finally ruled out the possibility of a motion of no confidence. She said that National Assembly Standing Orders stipulated that for a petition to be accepted it had to be submitted to the Speaker at least 14 days prior to the day such a motion was to be moved. This was not possible as the House was about to go into recess.

Another hurdle was Section 133 (2) (b) of the Standing Orders. The section categorically stated that any motion for a vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister could not be moved if, among other things, there were no allegations that the PM had contravened the Public Leadership Code of Ethics Act. MPs pushing for the passing of the motion had not so far presented any proof that the PM had contravened this ethics law. The Speaker was required to ascertain that this criterion was strictly met.

One CCM MP said that Kabwe had hijacked a CCM agenda as it was the ruling party MPs who had decided in their caucus to ask President Kikwete to sack five ministers.

MP for Sumwe Richard Ndassa told The Citizen on Saturday that Chadema had no basis for reprimanding the PM. “It is true that some ministers are not working as required. But is that ground enough to censure the Prime Minister? You can’t make the Premier accountable for mistakes committed by ministers,” he said.

Presumably everyone will now wait until June.

UPDATE – MID MAY 2012
(In the light of political developments after Tanzanian Affairs No 102 had been
printed it is necessary to make amendments to this article. In fact, the organisers of the proposed vote of no confidence were not aiming to remove the Prime Minister
but wanted to remove half a dozen ministers who had been severely criticised in the annual report of the Controller and Auditor General. In this aim the proposers eventually did not fail; they actually succeeded, as is explained in the amendment below- Editor).

When President Kikwete returned from his overseas travels CCM MPs asked him to take strong action. He therefore first got the authority of the Central Committee of the Party to allow him to take whatever action he felt appropriate. In a confused situation the President then announced that he was ‘reshuffling’ his cabinet. Six ministers (including those responsible for Finance, Energy, Industry, Transport and Health) and two deputy ministers were asked to resign.

So as to ensure that they did so, he immediately appointed new ministers to succeed them. Prominent among these is Dr Harrison Mwakyembe who made his name when he chaired the enquiry commission on the Richmond electricity generation scandal. He is the new Minister of Transport and will be responsible for problems created following the termination of the management contract with the RITES Indian railway company.

Thus the threatened vote of no confidence (which was eventually supported by 72 MPs from all parties including CCM) turned out to be not a failure but a rather remarkable success. The opposition CHADEMA’s Zitto Kabwe MP could hardly conceal his sense of satisfaction and immediately began lecturing the new ministers on what they should and should not do. He was quoted in the Guardian as saying that he would consult his fellow MPs on whether or not to proceed with the vote of no confidence when parliament resumed its sittings.

Praise for President Kikwete’s rapid action has been widespread and the CCM has made it clear that the Party would neither defend nor have mercy on ministers found wanting by investigations that are set to be carried out by the Prevention and Combating of Corruption Bureau (PCCB).

The last strains of the new national anthem die away. And across the dark bush and towering palms, over the roofs of clustered villages, even to Dar es Salaam, a blaze of coloured light four miles away echoes the triumphant roar with the incessant rumbling cries of Uhuru coming out from underneath. This is Tanganyika’s finest moment. A fragment of time to be savoured, treasured and stored in the memory. An experience, emotional … and unique. Tanganyika is independent; a nation is born …

So wrote Graham Hulley in The East African Annual 1962-63

‘Climaxing a feat which caught the imagination of the world, Lieutenant Alexander Nyirenda climbed to the summit of the mighty Mount Kilimanjaro and lit a symbolic torch next to the new Tanganyikan flag.

The Prime Minister said: Tanganyika wanted to light a torch which would ‘shine out beyond our borders giving hope where there was once despair, love where there was hate, and dignity, where before there was only humiliation.’

Many thanks Jim Watson for making available to us this publication with its excellent photos dating back to 1961 – Editor.

In Dar es Salaam, the celebrations started in earnest in July. Ministries took turns to showcase their activities at the Mnazi Mmoja grounds.

Then on 9th December, over 40 Heads of State, Government and other dignitaries attended the main celebrations which included a guard of honour by the country’s armed forces and a 21-gun salute to the Commander-in-Chief.

There was a display of the army’s equipment ranging from tanks, armoured vehicles to trucks and other vehicles used in warfare. A number of fighter jets were flown in synchronized formations over the stadium. Some 4,500 children from primary and secondary schools entertained guests with a mass performance followed by traditional dances by four different traditional groups, hand-picked to proportionally represent Tanzania. The dances included Selo from Coast Region, Ngongoti from Mtwara Region as well as Msewe and Bugobogobo from Zanzibar and Mwanza respectively.

President Kikwete’s speech
President Kikwete said that some historical factors were to blame for the country’s failure to attain higher levels of development as many people would have wished. He said that when Tanganyika gained independence from Britain in 1961, it was a very poor country with poor infrastructure and a relatively small pool of skilled manpower. “We had only twelve university graduates when we got independence and some people feared it would be almost impossible to attain reasonable levels of development,” the President noted, adding: “With the cooperation amongst leaders in all phases of the government since independence and the general public, our country is where it is now…we have made big steps.”

The colonial government, he explained, had no intention of developing the country but just wanted to exploit its resources.

“But Mwalimu Julius Nyerere and his colleagues vowed to fight for our independence and help Tanzanians climb out of abject poverty.” The President also pointed out that many big challenges lay ahead.

Britain’s congratulations
Queen Elizabeth II congratulated Tanzania on the 50th independence anniversary. She wrote that the 50 years had been characterized by peace and stability, a rare thing to find in many other parts of the world. “It gives me great pleasure in sending your Excellency and the people of Tanzania my warmest congratulations on this very special occasion,” she said.

“The Prince of Wales and Duchess of Cornwall have told me how much they enjoyed your hospitality during their recent visit to your country as part of the celebrations for this special event. I wish Your Excellency and the people of Tanzania, my best wishes for growing prosperity in the coming years.”

Fifty years ago HRH the Duke of Edinburgh, representing the Queen, was in Dar es Salaam at the ceremonies connected with the handing over of power from Britain to the new country, then known as Tanganyika. Fifty years later in November 2011 his son Prince Charles was in Dar es Salaam to join in the 50th anniversary of those momentous events.

Security
Tanzania tightened security to guarantee the safety of 14 foreign Heads of State and Government who came to mark Tanzania Mainland’s 50 years of independence. Prime Minister Mizengo Pinda, said the government had upped the security profile as a precaution against threats from the Somalia-based Al Shabaab terror group.

The costs
Many people complained about the cost of the celebrations in view of Tanzania’s shortage of funds for all kinds of development projects.

According to the Citizen the government spent a total of TShs 64 billion to facilitate the celebrations. Some TShs 8 billion was allocated to local governments. Regional administrations and local government authorities organised celebrations in all of the mainland’s 21 regions, and 136 district councils.

Major items of expenditure included preparatory logistics, fuel, per diems for civil servants and printing costs for leaflets highlighting achievements that respective districts and regions had registered over the 50-year period.

About TShs 213 million was given to Tanzania Trade Development Authority to finance ministerial exhibitions as well as those of state agencies and the private sector, at the Mwalimu Nyerere exhibition grounds along Kilwa Road in Dar es Salaam.

The Ministry of Industries, Trade and Marketing reportedly received TShs 30million. Each of the nearly 5,000 youngsters who participated in the mass display was reportedly paid TShs 40,000 (£16).

Ubungo MP John Mnyika (Chadema) said the money should have been channelled into development projects. The Uhuru anniversary would have been more memorable if the money had been spent on settling teachers’ debts, as well as those of other public employees. “We could also have spent the money on building feeder roads in Dar es Salaam, to ease congestion on the few major roads… people would have remembered that for a long time,” he said.

President Nyerere gave hundreds of interviews before, during and after his terms of office. We are grateful to Peg Snyder/Paul Bjerk/Juhani Lomppololle/ Aili Tripp for digging out and transcribing an interview given by Mwalimu in 1971 to a Finnish journalist. Extracts:

Nyerere: … In 1961, what was our major ambition? Our major ambition was obviously to survive as a nation. We have survived as a nation, we have consolidated ourselves as a nation, and we have consolidated our independence. I suppose really, quite frankly, this is our biggest achievement. Only as an independent country could we do such things as raising standards of living, increasing education, and so forth. Well I can’t say we have achieved all we would have liked to achieve.

Questioner: You place a very heavy emphasis on rural development… but in this report, you say, “indeed more money has in fact been spent on urban developments, industrial and business development, than on rural areas, in this post-Arusha period”. So what could, in your opinion be the reason for that?

N: One is habit. The other is the ease. It’s easier to invest in urban areas than to invest in rural areas. Simply habit. Habitually this is what happens, you establish a habit where investment flows into the urban areas because it flows there habitually. And apart from habit you have certain facilities which have been put in urban areas, and if you are going to use these facilities properly, really you are forced to put something in … And I say secondly, it’s easier to plan a textile factory than to plan a village. A village of three thousand workers, three thousand peasants requires a great deal more, more innovation if you like. We are less used to this. Basically I think, habit. We have to break the habit of thinking in terms of employment. Because even if, now, if we want to build a school, if we want to build a secondary school, …the majority of the students who go into this secondary school are from the peasant areas, peasant sons and daughters. But we will have by habit put the school in an urban area…

Q: What are your reservations about foreign development corporations?

N: I think reservations would be quite normal. Quite normal. It is always a matter of judgment what country we are dealing with. Very often rich countries use their ability to assist poorer countries in order to dominate these poorer countries, to build spheres of influence, to keep other competitors, other nations out. And they regard them as competitors. A kind of jealousy develops. I want to build a railway, and I try to get some money from the Western world; if I don’t get that money then I try to get it from China. The fellows do not want to give the money, and then they ask why? why? This is introducing the Chinese to Tanzania. There is kind of feeling… keep the Chinese out, Tanzania is our sphere of influence. You know the Chinese should be kept out. It becomes a kind of instrument. Aid becomes an instrument of imperialism. And this is really the first reservation. Secondly, aid should help us to do what we want to do. It’s no use some country coming here with some brilliant idea that they want to do xyz. And in our own priorities we don’t want to do xyz, it is something that can wait until the 2000s.

Q: Do you see anything remarkable in the Chinese assistance causing any changes in the non-alignment policy?

N: I don’t see why it should. Non-alignment has never meant that a non-aligned country should have nothing to do with an aligned country. This has never been a definition of non-alignment. It has the meaning that we must never behave in our relations with aligned powers as if we belonged to their blocs. We don’t. And we have relations with China just as we have relations with the Soviet Union or relations with the United States. We see no reason why it should affect our nonalignment. Actually we feel it is an expression of our non-alignment. We would find it ridiculous that it is not alright for us as a non-aligned country to ask the Soviet Union or the United States to build a railway for us. But somehow it becomes wrong for our non-alignment if we ask China to build a railway for us (laughter).

Q: Your views of the present dispute between Tanzania and Uganda amidst reports of border clashes. Do you think there will be a danger of war?

N: Well, what you really want one never knows. I mean it takes two, to bring about war. But actually it doesn’t take two, it can take only one. So in that sense, if one side decides to be foolish, this foolishness can lead to a dangerous situation. But frankly, I don’t believe that these troubles on the border can cause, can be developed into anything more than troubles on the border.

Q: What is your comment on the British Foreign Secretary Sir Douglas Home going to Salisbury trying to negotiate a settlement to the Rhodesia problem.

N: Our views have been very clear for years and they’ve not changed. It was Sir Alec, when he was Prime Minister of Britain, who formulated the so-called five principles. And it was while he was Prime Minister that we said we don’t accept these principles as a basis of granting independence to Rhodesia, because they mean granting independence to a country on the basis of minority rule. And we don’t accept this. And it is really this which he’s going to negotiate with the Rhodesians. He’s going to negotiate with the White Minority there. To hand over to them the government, the same thing that they did in South Africa. They want to create a second South Africa. This is really the whole basis of these talks, to create a second South Africa, and we’ve always said we can’t accept this. What are we expected to say? ‘This is fine’?

Q: Is there any settlement which you would not consider to be a sellout?

N: Any settlement. Any settlement on that basis would be a sell-out. Handing over five million people to the good will of a tiny minority, and believing that this minority at some future date will hand over power to the majority. It doesn’t happen.

Q: You said in September this year in this report, Tanzania has paid a heavy price in economic aid for her stand on these matters. But neither in relation to Britain nor any other country have we wavered on the policies we believe to be right because of our desire to develop our country at maximum speed. Have you ever doubted?

N: Have I ever doubted our policy? Never.

Q: But you have paid a price?

N: Well surely you must pay a price for your freedom, if it is really freedom. If we wanted to remain a colony we could have remained a colony. As a colony our responsibilities wouldn’t hold. I got my grey hair in our second year of independence. My hair was black, completely black when we became independent, and in two years it had gone grey, because of some of the problems of independence. If you don’t want the problems of independence don’t become independent.

Q: Do you think that the freedom fighters will succeed?

N: Why not? If we didn’t believe they will succeed then there is no point in fighting is there? There’s no point in the struggle is there? Unless it is a kind of religion. There’s no point in struggling for freedom unless you believe you are going to win. And if we believed these people are wasting their time, why should we be working to get support for them throughout the world. We are trying to get the world to understand this problem in southern Africa, and to understand that these people are struggling for human rights, and they must be helped until they win. If we didn’t believe they have a chance of winning there is no use helping them, or trying to get their world to help them.

Q: Now this is the last final question. Mr. Karalov has suggested that you have been translating William Shakespeare into Swahili. Have you yourself been writing any poems?

N: No. Not poems in that sense, not poems in that sense of William Shakespeare. Everybody. Every literate person has written some verse. So that’s all. This question of Shakespeare is really you have read Shakespeare, so have I. Some. I have not read Shakespeare, I have read one or two books, not more than one or two books. And then sometimes I, because of my interest, not so much because of my interest in Shakespeare, but in Swahili. I have translated some bits of Shakespeare into Swahili because of my effort to learn Swahili rather than to translate Shakespeare.