WITCHCRAFT IN MODERN TANZANIA

Posted on May 1, 1993 by editor

In September 1992, the African Studies Association of the United Kingdom held a conference on the theme of Order and Disorder in Africa at the University of Stirling. I organised and chaired a “panel” on the theme of witchcraft in contemporary Tanzania, and I report briefly on this on the invitation of the Editor of the Bulletin.

Three papers were presented and were well received. One paper, on “witch killings in Sukumaland” by Simeon Mesaki of the University of Dar es Salaam, was summarised from the chair because the author himself was unable to attend. The other papers, on “Witches, Witchcraft and the Question of Order: a view from a Bena village” by Solomon Mombeshora of the University of Cambridge and on “Shaving Witchcraft in Ulunga” by Maia Green of the London School of Economics, were presented by the researchers themselves. All three authors are doctoral candidates in anthropology and have a close knowledge of the areas they discuss. It is intended to put the articles together into a small book, along with one or two other papers on related themes, and it is hoped that the volume will be published by the Cambridge University Centre of African Studies in a similar format to my earlier edited book on Villagers, Villages and the state in Modern Tanzania, (1985).

Witchcraft in contemporary Tanzania presents several practical and intellectual problems. As in many other parts of modern Africa, beliefs in the power of individuals to harm each other mystically or magically are still widespread there, in both urban and rural communities, and there is little if any sign that they are disappearing. Because such beliefs have largely, though by no means wholly, lost their force in many parts of Europe, it is often assumed that they will also fade away elsewhere, but this may be an unwarranted and ethnocentric assumption. Moreover, there is certainly no shortage of other, at least equally “unscientific” beliefs in Europe about intrinsic qualities of evil within human beings, as the horrors of so-called “ethnic cleansing” and panics about “satanic abuse” to take two extreme examples patently and at times tragically reveal.

It seems clear that most of the villagers discussed in the conference papers consider witchcraft to be a dangerous reality which they would like to see controlled and, if possible, eradicated. There is, however, evidence of substantial temporal and local variation in the degree of general concern involved, and in the methods adopted to deal with the problem, though the documentation of such variation is sometimes difficult.

The issue of methods of attempted control is the most straightforward. There are sharp differences, for example, between Pogoro (in Ulanga) and Sukuma patterns in this context. Pogoro have developed peaceful forms of purification which involve both suspected witches and their accusers visiting a ritual expert and having their hair ritually shaven. Among the Sukuma, on the other hand, there has been a worrying tendency to resort to violence against suspects. This has resulted in a number expulsions and even murders of suspected witches, and in the flight of many suspects, who are usually old women, from their villages into the towns. Some such women have subsequently been resettled elsewhere. Not surprisingly the Government has been very anxious about this development. In the Bena area of Njombe District studied by Mombeshora, there is also some evidence of a resort to violence, but this seems to be on a substantially lesser scale than among the Sukuma.

A historical perspective on these practices seems useful. Public accusations of witchcraft and violent retribution against suspects were strongly discouraged under the colonial regime, which was often thought of as protecting witches, and different ways of dealing with the problem developed in many areas. Witch finding movements such as Mchapi in the 1930s spread north from Zambia, and reappeared in some parts of Tanzania in the 1960s (Willis, 1968). Some suspected witches were expelled from their communities, and many of those who felt themselves at risk from witches moved elsewhere (cf. Abrahams 1981).

A spate of witch killing emerged among the Sukuma in the early 1960s, and there is evidence to suggest that some hotheaded villagers mistakenly believed that the newly independent government would approve of such behaviour (Tanner 1970). There seem also to have been many murders in the 1970s and 1980s. A further element in the situation appears to have been the villagisation “operations”. There is a great deal of comparative material which suggests that people’s anxieties about witchcraft increase when they are forced to live in close proximity to each other, and many Nyamwezi villagers expressed fears about this to me in 1974-5. Some of the comparative evidence on this issue, in Tanzania and elsewhere, goes back well beyond this period to the days of colonial sleeping sickness settlements. Indeed, the modern, peaceful pattern in Ulunga partly harks back to measures adopted during such colonial population movement, although its cultural roots go back beyond this also.

Another complicating element in the Sukuma area has been the development of Sungusungu “vigilante” groups (Abrahams 1987 and Abrahams and Bukura 1992). These grass-roots groups began to operate in part of the Nyamwezi/Sukuma area in the early 1980’s, and they spread very rapidly to other parts of the area and beyond. They were aimed at raising the prevailing levels of law and order in the rural areas, and the control of cattle theft was the main focus of their activities. Some groups, however, also directed their attention against witchcraft, which they saw as a serious threat to rural security . It is not clear to what extent these groups and their leaders have affected the situation beyond providing an institutional forum for the expression of anxieties about witchcraft. Nor, more generally, is it clear exactly how many suspected witches have been murdered among the Sukuma. Available statistics are hard to interpret, and I suspect that many of the figures quoted are too high. Nevertheless, it is clear that there has been a serious problem, and that the pattern of recent reaction to suspicions of witchcraft has been much more violent among the Sukuma than among the Ulanga Pogoro.

There are many paradoxes in the contemporary situation, and some of these are interestingly highlighted by Mombeshora’ s paper on the Bena. He shows how structural conflicts between senior and junior generations have been exacerbated by the emergence of new development-oriented attitudes and institutions, and by new possibilities for younger people to seek economic and religious independence from their elders. This leads the young to question both the wisdom and authority of their seniors, who in turn try harder to assert that authority through warnings of mystical punishment, which are in turn read as witchcraft threats by those at whom they are directed. In earlier days, such threats probably appeared more legitimate, and those so threatened could relatively easily move away to a safe distance if they wished, but population increase and modern controls over movement have inhibited the possibilities of doing this.

It remains to be seen whether recent reforms and relaxation of controls on settlement and economic enterprise in Tanzanian villages will help or hinder the resolution of these problems. The greater freedom of individuals to choose where they live may once again permit them to establish ‘safety zones’ between themselves and others, but it is also possible that this will be offset by increased jealousies and suspicions arising from further economic differentiation between richer and poorer sections of the population.

Ray Abrahams

References:
Abrahams R. G. The Nyamwezi Today. Cambridge Univ. Press. 1981 ‘Sungusungu: village vigilante Groups in Tanzania’ African Affairs. April 1987. (ed) Villagers, villages and the state in Modern Tanzania. Cambridge African Studies Centre. 1985

Abrahams, R G and Bukurura, S. Party, Bureaucracy and GrassRoots Initiatives in a socialist state: the case of Sungusungu vigilantes in Tanzania’, in C Hann (ed) Socialism: Ideals, Ideologies and Local Practices. Routledge. 1992.

Tanner RES. The Witch Murders in Sukumaland – A Sociological commentary. Scandinavian Inst. of African Studies. 1970

Willis, R. ‘Kamcape: An Anti-sorcery Movement in Southwest Tanzania’. Africa. 1968.

A VISIT TO KINDWITI – THE LEPROSY CENTRE

Posted on January 1, 1993 by editor

(Extracts from a Diary)

At Dar es Salaam airport on November 5th 1992 everything could not have been smoother. Pleasant atmosphere, changing the money, finding a taxi and so on. Straight out to Buguruni, and under a mango tree I found the house I was looking for. In fact, every house was under a mango tree.

As I carried my bag across, all the little boys and girls as they passed said ‘Shikmu!’ (I clasp your feet), to which 1 answered ‘Marahaba’ (Thankyou). When I was here twenty-eight years ago, I was the one who used to say Shikmu, but then I didn’t have a long grey beard.

On November 6th I woke up at 4.30 a.m. and listened for some sort of sound which might indicate that the driver had come to take me to the bus for Kindwiti, But it seems that he has a wife somewhere far away and was not expected to come until the following morning.

The next day I woke at 5 a.m. and went with the driver to the bus. I got a seat, which was just as well because I sat in it for the next eight and half hours! The seat was comfortable, but the bus was inclined to jump up and down because the road did. We stopped, after possibly two hours, when there was a very loud mechanical noise. I think that the prop shaft came off and rattled along the road. People got out of the bus and someone had a very large hammer. Anyway after about twenty minutes the bus continued its bumping southward.

In fact it is about 120 miles to Utete and the journey cost 1000 shillings. When we got there, I jumped out of the bus with great relief and contemplated how to get across the river. It was probably less than half a kilometre wide at the time and I jumped into a canoe, which seemed to be quite solid and safe. I thought I could probably make it to the other side. I landed and asked which way to Kindwitwi and someone with a bicycle offered to show me. When we got to the top of the slope he indicated that I should get onto the carrier of the bicycle which I did. Although this was possibly better than walking, it was also very precarious since there were no foot rests and I had my briefcase (which was all I had) balanced in front of me. After a kilometre of hard pedalling, we found someone else who was walking to Kindwitwi and I was handed over to this new guide. We walked on in silence and heat, and, after probably no more than another 3 kilometres, we got to the village.

We went straight up to Canon Robin Lamburn’s house and there he was, sitting in the seat which apparently he always occupies, in his room in his house. He was having tea and the first thing I did was drink tea, until I had used all the hot water, which must have been about five cups. He has a system of using a strainer and pouring the hot water over the tea. It makes a surprisingly successful cup. Perhaps it was because he was using what must have been a fairly strong Tanzanian tea. We had landed at 2.30 p.m. and I got to the village at about 3.20 pm, which Robin seemed to think was a bit slow.

I was shown a room; retired there for a brief rest and then returned for the evening meal. It consisted of rice, beans and fish. As there was no fruit, the second course was rice and honey, which I am very fond of. The problem with the fish was than they were rather small, and consisted of a large head, a large tail and a considerable number of bones in between. In fact I was able to find no more than a piece of skin which would just about cover a teaspoon, and even that seemed to be liberally sprinkled with bones. Anyway, Robin was his usual convivial self, and we followed the meal with tea or coffee. Robin has become very deaf. He has a little hearing aid but it seemed to make wee noises much of the time and was only of limited help. I found the best thing was to sit somewhere near the hearing aid and blast in its direction. Thus one could have a reasonable conversation.

I woke up next day for Communion at 7.30 a.m. After 15 minutes there was no one else there. However, about ten people then drifted in. The service was really very nice and I had little difficulty in understanding the Swahili. I even knew most of the hymns. Afterwards we stood in line. Most people ‘Jambo’ed’ one another but to me and Father it was again ‘Shikamu’

Breakfast consisted of the bread I had brought the previous day, maize porridge with some honey and canned milk and tea. Then we went for a walk around the village. Robin took me to the ‘ward’ where the remaining dozen or so leprosy patients are accommodated. These are the much disfigured ones who have little hope of a normal life and will continue to receive rations. There are many others in the village who do not need special facilities but who continue to need treatment since the cure takes two years to complete. We saw a school, the clinic and the library, and met numerous people. Got back about half way through the morning. Robin normally has a morning snooze and then is OK until lunch time; a further snooze until 3 p.m. when tea appears. I was happy to have a rest and read my book. It is extremely humid and that makes it quite difficult.

I found another place to shower because the shower behind the guest quarters and Robin’s one consisted of some rather flimsy reeds which could keep the eyes of casual bystanders out, but the facility consisted of a bowl of water and a cup with which to pour it over oneself. My shower had a 44g drum set up above which was filled daily with water and you could have a real shower. In the cool evening and by moonlight this was really very pleasant and refreshing.

The Rufiji Leprosy Trust is already thinking about what it will do when leprosy is eliminated as a major problem hopefully, by the end of the century. It could be TB, AIDS, or other things. They have recently reduced or cut rations to former patients who are now able-bodied and can fend for themselves. The avoidance of a dependency attitude is very important and that is very much their aim. Robin objects to giving out cash but when asked to contribute to funerals and such like things, is a soft touch. He walked me back to my house because I didn’t know which way to go and was rather nervous about meeting lions on the way.

During the night there was considerable activity in my room. It could have been birds on the roof; rats playing around in the area above the door; bats doing their thing.1 am sure it is not what my host’s predecessors experienced; they used to leave the door to the sitting room open at night so that the dogs could get in and out at will. They woke up one night to hear the dogs screaming; opened the bedroom door and came face to face with a leopard. It was so scared that it dropped the dog and ran away.

Breakfast, and then a walk down around the riverine agricultural area. They are trying to stop the banks of where the river comes to when in flood from collapsing by planting trees. I suggested that Vetiver grass might help as well and apparently it is available in Tanzania. Farming must be pretty difficult. There are hippos and pigs to contend with as well as many of the usual pests and diseases. Everything looked pretty dry and miserable as it was some time since the rains. Lunch, rest, tea. Then I went down to the lake behind Robin’s house. I think it is an old branch of the Rufiji. Some people had been trying to grow vegetables down there, but the problem was water. It had to be collected in buckets from the lake, and apparently the water was getting more and more salt, so the people had given up. By the way, the water we drink at table is like mineral water. There is a boiling natural spring near the lake. Very tasty it is too.

In the evening another meal with Robin, including a chicken. At one point – I think Robin was possibly negotiating the purchase – a small chicken flew in through the door, rushed across the room jumped up onto Robin’s head and flew out through the window.

Robin’s house consists of three rooms; the Holy of Holies, which is his room; the kitchen; and, the sitting room in which were to be seen an astonishing number of books, many of them of great interest, but deteriorating in condition because of climate and insects; Robin’s M E certificate; the Queen’s signature having survived the depredations of paper-eaters. Also various crosses and other things, mementoes of a long life. I would think that in spite of the hardships of his situation, he is probably very happy and entirely content to remain at Kindwiti. He has an extremely important function to perform, because although young people come and go, Robin goes on for ever and provides the continuity …….
David Gooday

MY FIRST AND SECOND IMPRESSIONS OF TANZANIA

Posted on September 1, 1991 by editor

I have been to Tanzania twice.

In the middle of 1989 I found myself standing inside an air- conditioned bank in Mombasa, queuing to change a travellers cheque… I turned away from the counter and locked past the security guard, through the frosted glass doors and onto the street. As I stood and as I watched, an old man pulled himself along the dusty pavement with his hands, dragging his spastic legs along beneath him. It was a recurring theme throughout our six weeks in East Africa. I, the foreigner, waiting to change my western currency which would probably be worth more in Kenya shillings than he would ever own. Herein lies the gulf that separates Us from Them. And yet poverty, on this scale, is not really that different from the begging which we see in most European cities these days. What is different is the overall poverty of the nation.

KENYA AND TANZANIA
This poverty was much more apparent in Tanzania, where we moved next, than in neighbouring Kenya. Since the early sixties, when Kenyatta and Nyerere took their respective nations down very different paths from independence, these two republics have grown further apart. Kenya has, quite successfully, trodden the path towards capitalism. While Tanzania remains the limping socialist state – an economic slave to its massive international debt. Yet by concentrating on the profiles of the countries I think it is possible to overlook what is actually happening to the people who live there. I met a Christian in Nairobi waiting for a bus, who had grown cynical of President Moi and his false front – as he saw it. He had been forced, through lack of money, to leave school at sixteen and was now working as a labourer for about £l per day. To complete his last two years of education would have cost him £350. This, he knows, is too much for him. He knows too, that, if he could complete those vital years he could escape from the mire in which he is stuck. “It all depends on who you know”, he told me. It was very sad to see such an obviously intelligent person so frustrated and helpless.

In sharp contrast, In spite of the multitudinous problems which face Tanzania, the people whom we met and worked alongside in Iringa ware so contented and radiant. As the Pastor of the Anglican church said to us after dinner at his house one night, in his slow and deliberate English “….though we are poor, we are rich in spirit”.
It would be simplistic and stupid to conclude from this that, although Tanzania’s economy is in a pretty bad way, its people are far happier than their neighbours in Kenya. I was, though, left with the overall impression that, bearing in mind their respective situations, the Tanzanians were more cheerful than their counterparts in Kenya.

STANDING PROUD AND STRONG
It was especially clear, from our limited insight, that the churches in Tanzania are not allowing their circumstances to stunt either their faith or their vision for the future. The work which our Tear Fund Task Force Teem was doing involved clearing the foundations for a new cathedral in Iringa. This reflects the growth of the Church in Iringa, and the vision of Bishop Mtetemela for the Outreach Zone – now the Diocese of Ruaha. From the moment we arrived it was clear that we were welcomed as the world-wide family of God. Surprisingly quickly we had made some very close friends – not least the children, to whom we often gave wheelbarrow rides on the building site ! Wherever we went we were treated as guests of honour and looked after extremely well. When, after only three and a half weeks in Iringa, the time came for us to return to Britain, I realised how deeply we had become involved in the community. And even though, by this stage, many of us had been ill, some seriously, we were all very sad to leave Iringa and some very dear friends.

It was a marvellous way to spend the summer and to give something back after being spoiled for so long in our opulent and lazy society. I have many memories still clear in my mind (not least that of being woken up at five o’clock in the morning in a hotel in Mombasa by a woman screaming as her husband beat her). The lasting memory though, will be that of the Church of Iringa, standing proud and strong despite all the difficulties it faces.

AN EXPLOSION AND A CELEBRATION
My second visit was in 1990 when I was employed for the summer in the CMB Packaging (formerly Metal Box) factory in Pugu Road, Dar es Salaam. Sitting on board the M.V. Zaitun I watched as she struggled to tow a similar , if slightly more capricious, beast onward to Zanzibar. The trailing dhow had left Dar es Salaam twenty six hours earlier but, after an explosion caused by a battery wired up incorrectly, had been drifting for a full day with five of the crew lying dead on board.

Meanwhile, back in the Haven of Peace, His Holiness the Pope was being driven from the airport in the state Rolls Royce along roads resurfaced for the first time in years. And so, while thousands of ecstatic Tanzanians in festive, papal tee-shirts lined the dusty streets of the town in the hope of a brief glimpse of Papa Yohana Paulo, five of their compatriots lay cold aboard a dhow in the Indian Ocean.

These two extremes highlight well what for me is a real dichotomy of life in Tanzania. Whilst I was bluntly reminded from the one horrific accident of the endemic low regard for safety and of the implicit cheapness of life it was equally obvious from the other that this country, given the occasion, is as capable as many others.

Again and again, in my work at the factory, mistakes were made which left me struggling to uncover the crux of the problem. Did I not explain, slowly and clearly? Did I not check and double check? Was the job too difficult? The situation was further complicated by the fact that every so often I would be taken aback by a particularly exact piece of work. Now and then I glimpsed the spark of pride which must be fanned into flame if this factory, and others like it, are to survive the difficult years ahead. It must be said though, that, at the end of the day, deadlines were met, and there were times of immense satisfaction and teamwork during my six weeks at the factory.

SHOULD WE PULL OUT?
I cannot help asking myself, however, whether the West is not asking for something that Africa is not ready to give when it tries to force its own high technology world upon her. In a travel book by the late Shiva Naipaul I read the views of a Dutch charity worker living in Tanzania who sums up my thoughts succinctly:
‘I do not want (the Africans) to repeat the mistakes we have made in Europe. Why must they too have factories and pollution and political p arties ? If that is what you mean by development, then, no I do not wish to see them ‘develop’. Why make them try for the impossible? It will only lead to unhappiness’.

So does Tanzania need ‘aid’ ? Is there a place for the army of twentieth-century Vikings who have set up camp in their own village – Valhalla – just outside Dar? Should we pull out and leave Tanzania to muddle along as best she can? Are there any answers, or is Africa, with her colonial past and deep-rooted tribalism, a mesh of problems too complex to untangle?

DEVASTATINGLY HUMBLING
In 1990 I went back again to Iringa to see the other side of the country’s make-up. I was invited to lunch by the church carpenter and his wife in the two bare rooms which are their home. Typically they had prepared food for me, a Mzungu, which they could ill afford (he earns the equivalent of £65.40 per year) but their generosity and warmth towards me was something that brought tears to my eyes and I shall not quickly forget. Yet, mixed with their joy, they were mourning the recent death of their five-year old son from diarrhoea which had failed to be treated quickly and correctly. It was devastatingly humbling for me to be able to encourage them, and when the time came for me to leave, it was 1 who Pelt the poorer. It is this spirit and this love which so many of the Tanzanians whom I have met are so quick to give that makes the call to action so much louder.

Surely though, the answer is not merely to throw money at Tanzania from our financial high-ground, After changing a fifty-pound travellers cheque in a bank in Arusha I gave the loose change from my small fortune to a leprous old woman who was begging on the pavement outside. She held out her fingerless bands and looked up at me with two blood-red eyes. As I walked away I asked myself what it was exactly that I had given that woman. I fear that ail that I gave her was money. For it is so much ‘cleaner’ and easier to give her of my pocket than it is to dig deeper in my heart and to give her the love and respect which she deserves as a fellow human being.

Perhaps it is wrong to scale up the conclusions from this incident to a macroscopic scale but I think there is a lesson to be learnt here. Whatever we tell ourselves, it is actually very costless for us to part with some small quantity of money which can be sent to some small corner of our little world. It is very much harder to reach deep within ourselves and to give of what we are rather than of what we have. I knew that when I got back to the Oxford world I would be faced with the same issues which had confronted me in Tanzania. I knew that, as I walked through the Radcliffe Camera after dark, the same people would be silently crying out from their doorways. I only prayed that I would be strong enough to answer their cry and not just to do the easy thing and pay off any conscience. I fear that the day that I cease to hear them will be the day that I am the beggar for ‘many who are first shall be last, and many who are last shall be first’ What good is it to a man if he gains the whole world but loses his soul?
John Drew

RELIGION AND SOCIETY IN TANZANIA

Posted on July 1, 1983 by editor

Introduction
The integrative influence of religion in society varies considerably depending on the historical context and the situation in which individual members find themselves. The importance of religions in society and the role they play cannot be ignored, given what is happening in Northern Ireland, Iran and the Middle East. The need to examine the relationship between ideology (political) and the religious belief systems is called for.

Theories on the integrative aspect of religious life show that (Parson 1951) where there are social and economic problems there is a tendency to legitimise values for the purpose of solving those problems. Such values may be manifest in group form, or among individuals. For example, where the ideology of the country emphasises the collective nature of socio-economic development, religious institutions are also likely to support communal undertakings for the benefit of all the people rather than encourage individuals to work in isolation. In a more individualist society, like in the West, where individual economic and political entrepreneurship are highly valued, religious institutions are likely to emphasise the individual relationship between man and the supernatural being, while societal progress is looked at as a reward of such a relationship. Such explanations go back to Weberian theory on the relationship between religion and economic development (Weber 1930). This states, among others, that an individual’s belief system helps to shape his actions and relationships in society.

It is easy to have such a situation where we have one predominant religion. But in a society like Tanzania, where we have more than one major religion, to delineate the aspects of these religions and show how each individual carries his belief system beyond the institution is rather an interesting exercise. Tanzania claims to have a harmonious relation among her religious groups, while these religions groups as well as individual members are contributing to the socio-economic development of society. From the beginning of Tanzanian independence, political parties based on religious group factions were discouraged. This was in a bid to curb divisions which might have disrupted the political unity and integration which Nyerere was aiming at. He guided his political party in a secular manner, which allowed individuals to participate fully regardless of their background. The party was inter-religious, inter-ethnic and inter-racial in its nature.

Although religion is not the basis for political participation in Tanzania, individual belief systems shape the individual’s contribution to the socio-economic development of the country. Individuals meet at political rallies, economic organisations, social gatherings to discuss matters of mutual interest with their religious background. In this way some kind of influence on the directions and relationship among the different religions may be dictated by this background. In some parts of the world such religious backgrounds have led to conflicts among the various religions existing in society. The Tanzanian scene gives a rather interesting picture of a harmonious relationship between various religions in spite of the fact that these have different and opposed belief systems. The aim of this short paper is to look into the extent different religious groups live and participate harmoniously in the socio-economic development of the country. The paper carries a sociological interpretation in its presentation.

The Religious Scene
Tanzania is a secular state. She does not uphold any of the existing religions in the country as a state religion. Yet Tanzania respects religions very much. Individual citizens who interact among themselves in their daily lives are members of various religious groups, as it will be presented in this paper. The Tanzanian position and attitude towards religions is embodied in both Party and Government official documents. For example, the National Anthem starts by evoking God to bless Africa and Tanzania in particular. The National Assembly (Par1iament) starts its sessions with prayers and the Party constitution guarantees religious freedom (Omari 1976).

There are no accurate statistics on religious groups in the country. Since 1967, when the national census had questions on religion, the religious question has been played down purposely in other information-seeking documents. We have, however, some est1mates which can give us a rough picture of the religious situation in the country. The official reports on the distribution of religions in Tanzania show that the three major religions, Christianity, Islam and Traditional Religions make up 30% each. The remaining 10% belong to other religions like Hindu, Shinto and other minority groups. Such statistics can be disputed, for they have been given for convenience sake. On the other hand, we have David Parrett in the World Christian Encyclopaedia, who estimates that there are 44% Christians; 33% Muslims and 23% Traditional Religions.

Perhaps it is correct to say that statistics among Christians are more correct, for these are used to keep up the records of their memberships accurately, than it is for other religious groups where it remains an estimate only. As it can be noted below in Table 1, only the figures for 1967 can give us some indication with regard to religious distribution accurately, for in the 1978 census the religious question was removed from the questionnaire for reasons known to those concerned. At that time (1967) in mainland Tanzania, out of 12 million people, the majority were Traditional. However in the urban centres, the Muslims were in the majority, (a phenomenon which shows religious geography in the country).

Table I: Head of Household Religious Inclination 1967 (%)

Region Christians Muslims Traditional Others Total
Arusha 21 11 67 1 569,229
Coast 10 86 3 1 500,697
Dodoma 24 27 47 2 677,296
Iringa 54 4 41 1 654,364
Kigoma 23 15 61 1 447,429
Kilimanjaro 66 15 18 1 619,741
Mara 46 6 45 3 523,319
Mbeya 43 2 53 2 946,143
Morogoro 45 42 12 1 639,723
Mtwara 16 82 2 – 989,673
Mwanza 23 4 72 1 1,009,678
Ruvuma 57 39 3 1 385,789
Shinyanga 11 3 84 2 893,889
Singida 19 34 46 1 452,304
Tabora 24 28 47 1 529,826
Tanga 25 71 3 1 702,579
West lake 62 9 28 1 635,001

Mainland rural 32 28 39 1 11,177,315
Mainland urban 32 63 1 4 585,600
Mainland total 32 30 37 1 11,762,915

Zanzibar total 3 96 – 1 349,943

Source: 1967 Population Census Vol. 3

The religious groups geographical distribution in Tanzania can be said to be spread all over the country. However, some differences exist. For example, the majority of Muslims are found around the coast areas, Zanzibar and the slave trade corridor, which includes Bagamoyo, Tabora and Kigoma – Uvinza. As it can be noted in the above Table I, Regions like Coast (including Dar es Salaam), Mtwara and Tanga are predominantly Muslim while in Regions like Kagera (West Lake), Kilimanjaro and Ruvuma, Christians are in the majority.

The figures for the Muslims also can be questioned, for there is a tendency among many Tanzanians of having Muslim names without being Muslim. Among the coastal people for example, you will hear someone called Mohamed who hardly knows where the mosque is! With the coming of secularism into Tanzanian society, such a tendency is getting into Christians as well. For the traditionlists, since they vary from one ethnic group to another, the way to identify them is by elimination. If someone does not belong to the major religions and lives in rural areas, he very definitely belongs to Traditional Religion.

Religions and socio-economic development resume
Researchers and scholars like Barrett (1072), van Bergen (1981) and Westerlund (1980) have made studies of the religious scene in Tanzania, especially in relation to social development and have been at pains to produce some interesting statistics on the religious groups. It is very interesting to note that although the statistics are not that reliable, the contribution of religious groups to socio-economic development of the country is significant and is acknowledged fully by both the Party and the Government.

The contribution of religious groups towards socio-economic development in the country is a positive response to President Nyerere’s call for all religious and non-government agencies to contribute towards the process of building a just and equitable Tanzanian society. Ever since Tanzania decided to follow the Ujamaa-socialism path of socio-economic development in 1967, it has been a chal1enee to various religious groups to come out with various contributions and support in the endeavour to build that kind of society. Both Van Bergen and Westerlund in their studies have shown that from the beginning almost all organised religious groups accepted the national ideology, though in some parts with some reservations. Their reservation is centred around ujamaa being equated with communism, an ideology which has had some conflict with religion in other parts of the world.

As far as I can see, their fear is rooted in two basic points: one, the historical development of socialism in many of the Western and Eastern countries in relation to religion has been very antagonistic. Such experiences are known among the Christians through their friends and other Christians who are living in those countries where such experiences are happening. Two, some of the politicians, especially right after the Arusha Declaration in 1967 and in the early seventies did speak against some religious groups like Christians. Their opposition to Christianity was based on the historical relation which exists between Christianity and Western capitalist ideology.

On many occasions, Nyerere himself a Christian had to explain to the Church leaders and the general masses the position of the Party and Government in general with regard to the role of religion in Tanzania. Today we can say that many religious groups in Tanzania are in the forefront of the social development process in Tanzania. As it can be noted in Table II below, the example of the Christian Council of Tanzania in mobilising resources for community development is magnificent. A lot of money has been spent on projects like water, health and other activities which enhance people’s level of social development. I am sure, if deep studies were made in other religious groups, we could find out their contributions like the one through the Christian Council. My quick observation is that organisations like the Tanzania Episcopal Conference for the Homan Catholics and Bakwata ta for the Muslims have mobilised a lot of resources for socio-economic development in Tanzanian society regardless of the differences in the belief systems of the recipients. When all religious groups have realised their potentiality and utilised it fully, Tanzania will have taken heed of the call of President Nyerere to become partners in social development and the concept of “play your part” will have become more pragmatic and concrete.

Table II: Money channelled through the Christian Council of Tanzania for selected socio-economic undertakings. (in Tshs.)

Type of undertaking Year 1981 Year 1982
Agriculture related projects 1,057,768.15 80,740.00
Community Development (General) 8,145,754.75 3,278,730.35
Education related projects 393,232.10 1,713,283.05
Health related projects 331,864.15 3,809,135.90
Water related projects 9,180,967.65 2,241,247.70

Source: Christian Council of Tanzania 1983.

The Christian Council of Tanzania, which represents almost all non-Roman Catholic Christians in the country, mobilises resources both externally and internally for the approved projects. Basically, the projects must be community-oriented with the marginalised and poor groups as the beneficiaries. As such, most of the projects supported by the Christian Council are rural-oriented ones where the majority of the population live.

Table II above reveals other factors as well which I would like to mention. Since the Christian Council acts as a clearing house and a mobilising group for only those projects passed through its office, there is no effort made to trace other resources mobilised by other religious groups for the same purposes. It serves, however, as a good example of how a religious group can work as a pressure group as well as mobilising force for community development. The figures above are only for two years and for the selected projects only.

Not only various religious groups participate in socio-economic development through mobilisation of resources and services, but individuals participate fully in various socio-economic activities in their different roles. This is very important, for some of the civil servants and politicians exemplify their different belief systems through their deeds even though they are in a secular state. There are common ethical elements which are generally found in all religions. Tanzanian national ethics as embodied in the national ideology has taken into consideration the major teachings of various religions as related to the secular state. In this way, one can say that the Tanzanian way of handling religious beliefs in socio-economic development is through incorporation and integration rather than identification and isolation. All individual religious groups as well as individual citizens are called upon to participate fully in the national socio-economic process itself regardless of their religious background. Thus candidacy in local and national political posts and participation is based primarily on a national and individual ability rather than religious affiliation.

One could argue, then, that Weberian theory of religions and society could help us to understand Tanzanian political development in relation to the individual beliefs in the society. Among other points, this states that belief systems which individuals hold helps to shape and generate principles which assist socio-economic development. In Tanzania, it could be argued that individual members come out to participate in socio-economic development of the country having party ideology as a unifying factor while at the same time holding to the personal faith without necessarily compromising it.

Table III: Composition of the high office in Tanzania according to religious background as at 1976.

CCM Central Committee Members – Muslims 16, Christians 11, Others -, Total 27
Members of Parliament – Muslims 63, Christians 70, Others 39, Total 172
Ministers – Muslims 11, Christians 20, Others 2, Total 33

With a quick glance at Table III above one gets an interesting picture. Up to 1975, when I made a general survey of the religious background of the various selected individual members holding high offices, almost all major religions were represented. These individuals came to these offices not by virtue of their religious background but by virtue of their ability. The parliamentarians are elected by the people at local level and usually the election manifesto is based on party ideology rather than religious faith. Of course, where one religious group is predominant, like Zanzibar, one expects Muslims to be the majority in any election. In this case, out of 172 Members of Parliament during that year, 35 were from Zanzibar and all were Muslims.

The high number of Christian Ministers and the low number of Christians in the Central Committee is a reflection of educational background as related to the aspirations and interests of individuals rather than the religious variable per se. Many more Christians have been educated and trained in various technical and leadership posts than their counterparts the Muslims. This is an historical phenomenon rather than any deliberate policy (Omari 1976, van Bergen 1981, Westerlund 1980). On the other hand, Muslims found the political posts as the chance for them to balance the uneven participation in the political development of Tanzania. Thus many Party functionaries at district and local level are generally with low level of educational background and have been Muslims instead of Christians while the administrative and bureaucratic offices have been filled mainly by Christians.

In spite of these marked differences of educational background among the members of different religious groups at the high echelon, the harmonious relationship that exists between different members of Tanzanian society is very high. People tend to think of Tanzania first in ethnic terms rather than in terms of religion in their participation in socio-political matters. This does not mean, as I argued above, that individual faith is ignored. It is treated as a private matter which can contribute to the well-being of all the people on the principles of justice and equality for all. Religious faith is thus subordinated to the common social objectives as described in the Party ideology of Ujamaa and self-reliance. This aspect of the religious contribution to the Tanzania Socio-political life is enhanced by the fact that the President of the Republic and his Vice-President are people of religious conviction who participate in both political and religious life. Their lives have been a shining example to the public.

Towards Civil Religion – Conclusion.
Above I mentioned about the National Anthem as having a religious context. It is also interesting to note that at the beginning of every sitting of Parliament, there is a general prayer. Some few people, within the Party and outside, especially those who profess not to belong to any of the organised religions, privately have been raising some questions with regard to such procedures. Yet as I see it, Tanzanian society as it stands today, with its democratic system, their views will not change the present procedure both in Parliament sittings and in the National anthem. At Party meetings, however, it is the Party ideology which is the guiding and driving force; hence some phrases are said at the beginning of the meeting, sometimes rhetorically.

It can then be said that Tanzania is one of the countries of the World which has decided not to have a state religion, yet recognises and utilises religions for the social development process. In this way both the Party and Government depend very much on the individual contribution to the social development of the country. On their part, the Party and Government have ensured the freedom of working for all citizens. It is part and parcel of the human right and has been enshrined in Government law and constitution.

In conclusion, this paper has been an attempt to present briefly the religious scenery and its contribution to Tanzanian society. The role of religion in society has been presented with Weberian theoretical background. Individual members of different religious groups as well as organised religions like Christianity and Islam have been looked at more closely than the traditional religion. This has been done purposely for the sake of brevity.

C.K.Omari.

References
Barrett, D.B. Frontier situations for Evangelisation in Africa 1972: A Survey Report. Nairobi. 1972.
Omari, C.K.(ed) Essays on Church and Society in Tanzania. Soni 1976 Parsons, ‘P. The Social System. Illinois Free Press. 1951
van Bergen, J. Development and Religion in Tanzania: Madras/Leiden 1981
Weber, M. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism: (trans. T. Persons). London: Allen and Unwin 1930.
Westerlund, D. Ujamaa na Dini. Stockholm 1980.

CANON ROBIN LAMBURN’S NEWSLETTER

Posted on January 1, 1977 by editor

In conclusion, a citation from Canon Robin Lamburn’s newsletter, dated December 2 1976;

‘I must tell you briefly about two things that have happened since I wrote last. I duly went to Njombe for the meeting of the liturgical committee and came back by the Chinese Tazara railway. I was tremendously impressed by this. Not just the carriages and the line and the stations (for the first time in my life I was able to have a really good night’s rest in a train) but most of all by the African staff. From the highest to the lowest official they were all imbued with the spirit of public service; their greatest desire was that we should have the most comfortable journey possible; their courtesy was beyond praise. If that springs from the teachings of Mao Tse Tung…

Then I was able to join the party from England who went to Masasi for the Centenary Celebrations. It was wonderful to see so many old friends again … You will be able to see some of this and part of the great open-air service at Masasi on Granada ITV in one of their series, ‘The Christians’ (which will be shown next year).

THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL SERVICE

Posted on July 1, 1976 by editor

One hundred years ago this year the Universities Mission to Central Africa established itself at Masasi. At Masasi this year there will be pageants and celebrations of the centenary. The schools and hospitals set up by the church have been taken over by government but there are still some specially demanding social services which the church is encouraged to provide. Canon Lamburn – one of the few missionaries still active in the church – writes of the leprosarium at Kindwitwi. The patients there have been encouraged to join in the national campaign to grow food and he reports that ‘the patients are looking forward to a very good rice harvest … When one thinks that such a short time ago we had to fling our weight about with no little vigour to get the patients to do anything for themselves, it is very cheering to hear them talk enthusiastically about the harvest they are getting in.’ The leprosarium is supported both by donors abroad and by local congregations in Tanzania. Canon Lamburn writes that the congregation of St Alban’s in Dar es Salaam had contributed over 150 pounds. ‘They stipulated that the money should be used for starting some sort of self-help project … We decided that it will be best to use the money to start a rabbit farm (rabbit farming is being pressed very strongly as a good way of increasing the protein in the Tanzanian diet) and also a fishing project … You may be interested to know that our best canoe man and fisherman is a patient who has no hands at all.’

The church in Tanzania has long ceased to be dominated by expatriate clergy. And yet, as Canon Lamburn writes, there is still need of volunteers who are prepared to accept the direction of the Tanzanian leaders of the church and who are equipped to help with the kind of service which at the moment is its task.

I should add that it was suggested to me that this Bulletin would be a good place in which to record the centenary and it seemed to me that this record of the work at Kindwitwi would stand here more appropriately than more formal notice of history and its celebration.

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